Με την κατάρρευση του κομμουνισμού στην Ανατολική Ευρώπη, την άρχουσα ιδεολογίας του Μαρξιστικού-Λενινισμού αντικαταστήθηκε από διάφορες ιδεολογικές δυνάμεις. Μία από αυτές ήταν και ο εθνικισμός. Στην ΠΓΔΜ, σταδιακά και με την «απόσυρση» των σοσιαλιστών στις διάφορες θέσεις της εξουσίας, η άκρα δεξιά μέσω του VMROάρχισε να παίρνει την θέση τους. Έτσι λοιπόν έχουμε από τα τέλη της δεκαετίας του 90 μία σταδιακή μετάλλαξη του άκρατου εθνοπολιτιστικού εθνικισμού σε μία έκρηξη εθνικού σωβινισμού.
Η ακραία εθνικιστική υστερία που υπάρχει αυτές τις μέρες στους Σλαβομακεδόνες,με τηανέγερση των δύο αγαλμάτων στο κέντρο των Σκοπίων είναι ένα χαρακτηριστικό παράδειγμα. Ο ακροδεξιός Γκρουέφσκι, συνεχίζοντας το πρόγραμμα «αρχαιοπληξίας» του Σλαβικού πληθυσμού του πολυεθνικού κράτους της ΠΓΔΜ, έκανε πλέον το επόμενοβήμα και πλέον ο Σλαβομακεδονισμός συναντά τον «εθνικό σωβινισμό».
Ο εθνικός σωβινισμός τρέφεται από ένα...
συναίσθημα έντονου, ακόμη και υστερικού εθνικιστικού ενθουσιασμού γράφει ο AndrewHeynwood (PoliticalIdeologies, 2007, σελ 246). Το άτομο ως ξεχωριστό, ορθολογικό ον εξαλείφεται εντελώς από την το κύμα του πατριωτικού αισθήματος, που εκφράζεται με την επιθυμία για επίθεση, επέκταση και πόλεμο. Ο Γάλλος εθνικιστής Charles Maurras (1868-1952) απεκάλεσε αυτόν τον έντονο πατριωτισμό «ολοκληρωτικό εθνικισμό», οποίος σημαίνει ότιάτομα και ανεξάρτητες ομάδες χάνουν την ταυτότητα τους μέσα σε ένα πανίσχυρο «έθνος», το οποίο έχει μια ύπαρξη και σημασία πέρα από τη ζωή κάθε μεμονωμένου ατόμου. Τέτοιος μαχητικός εθνικισμός συνοδεύεται συνήθως από μιλιταρισμό. Η στρατιωτική δόξα και κατάκτηση είναι οι απόλυτες αποδείξεις του εθνικού μεγαλείου και είναι ικανές να γεννούν έντονα συναισθήματα εθνικιστικής αφοσίωσης.
Έτσι λοιπόν με τα αγάλματα το καθεστώς Γκρούεφσκι, προσπαθεί να νουθετήσει τον Σλαβικό πληθυσμό, με τις πολεμικές αξίες της απόλυτης αφοσίωσης, της ολοκληρωτικής αφιέρωσης και τις οικειοθελούς αυτοθυσίας. Όταν η τιμή ή η ακεραιότητα του έθνους αμφισβητείται, οι ζωές των απλών ανθρώπων γίνονται ασήμαντες είναι μία από τις θέσεις του εθνικού σωβινισμού.
Ο εθνικός σωβινισμός έχει μια ιδιαίτερα δυνατή απήχηση στους περιθωριοποιημένους και αδύναμους, στους οποίους ο εθνικισμός προσφέρει την προοπτική της ασφάλειας, του αυτοσεβασμού και της υπερηφάνειας. Ο μαχητικός ή ολοσχερής εθνικισμός προϋποθέτει μια αυξημένη αίσθηση «του ανήκειν» σε μια ξεχωριστή εθνική ομάδα. Τέτοιο έντονο εθνικιστικό συναίσθημα συνήθως διεγείρεται από «αρνητική ενσωμάτωση», την περιγραφή ενός έθνους ή μιας φυλής ως απειλή ή ως εχθρό. Απέναντι στον εχθρό, το έθνος συσπειρώνεται και βιώνει ένα έντονο αίσθημα της δικής του ταυτότητας και σημασίας. Ο εθνικός σωβινισμός των Σλαβομακεδόνων γεννιέται επομένως από μια σαφή διάκριση ανάμεσα σε «αυτούς»(Βούλγαροι και Έλληνες) και «εμάς». Χρειάζεται να υπάρχει ένα «αυτοί» για να χλευάζουμε ή να μισούμε ούτως ώστε να σφυρηλατείται η αίσθηση του «εμείς». Στην πολιτική, ο εθνικός σοβινισμός συχνά εμφανίστηκε στις ρατσιστικές ιδεολογίες, οι οποίες διαιρούν τον κόσμο στους «δικούς μας» και τους «άλλους», όπου οι «άλλοι» γίνονται αποδιοπομπαίος τράγος για όλες τις συμφορές και τις απογοητεύσεις από τις οποίες υποφέρουν οι «δικοί μας». Συνεπώς, μόνο σύμπτωση δεν είναι το γεγονός ότι σοβινιστικά πολιτικά δόγματα αποτελούν γόνιμο έδαφος για τις φυλετιστικές ιδέες. Το VMROτου ακροδεξιού Γκρούεφσκι χτίζει πάνω σε αυτόν τον εθνικό σωβινισμό. Για τους Σλαβομακεδόνες είναι οι Έλληνες που κλέβουν την ιστορία τους και οι Βούλγαροι την γλώσσα τους.
Όλες οι μορφές εθνικισμού θέτουν το ζήτημα της ταυτότητας. Με όποιους πολιτικούς στόχους κι αν σχετίζεται ο εθνικισμός, τους αναπτύσσει πάνω στη βάση ενός αισθήματος συλλογικής ταυτότητας, που συνήθως κατανοείται ως πατριωτισμός. Για τον πολιτικό εθνικιστή, «αντικειμενικοί» παράγοντες όπως η εδαφική επικράτεια, η θρησκεία και η γλώσσα δεν έχουν μεγαλύτερη σημασία από αντίστοιχους «υποκειμενικούς», όπως η βούληση, η μνήμη και η πατριωτική αφοσίωση. Ο εθνικισμός, επομένως, όχι μόνο αναπτύσσει πολιτικούς σκοπούς, αλλά επίσης λέει στους ανθρώπους το ποιοι είναι: τους παρέχει μια ιστορία, σφυρηλατεί κοινωνικούς δεσμούς και ένα συλλογικό πνεύμα, και δημιουργεί μια αίσθηση πεπρωμένου μεγαλύτερη από την ατομική ύπαρξη.
Συγκεκριμένες μορφές εθνικισμού, ωστόσο, είναι λιγότερο στενά συνδεδεμένες με φανερές πολιτικές διεκδικήσεις απ' ότι άλλες. Αυτό ιδιαίτερα ταιριάζει στην περίπτωση του εθνοπολιτισμικού εθνικισμού των Σλαβομακεδόνων. Ο εθνοπολιτισμικός εθνικισμός είναι μια μορφή εθνικισμού που δίνει ιδιαίτερη έμφαση στην αναγέννηση του έθνους ως ξεχωριστού πολιτισμού, και όχι τόσο ως διακριτής πολιτικής κοινότητας. Οι πολιτισμικοί εθνικιστές θεωρούν το κράτος ως δευτερεύουσας σημασίας, ή ακόμη και ξένη οντότητα. Ο ρόλος του εθνικισμού είναι συνεπώς να αναπτύσσει την προσοχή και την εκτίμηση της κουλτούρας και των παραδόσεων του έθνους.
Δυστυχώς ο εθνικός σωβινισμός των Σλαβομακεδόνων είναι φανερό ότι είναι ένας δρόμος χωρίς γυρισμό. Όπου και εάν κοιτάξεις στην ιστορία, όπου υπήρξε εθνικός σωβινισμός έχουμε και εκρήξεις παρόμοιων κινημάτων όπως ο πανσλαβισμός, αντισημιτισμός και ο παγγερμανισμός. Είναι λοιπόν φανερό ότι ο Σλαβομακεδονισμός της ΠΓΔΜ από Εθνοπολιτισμικός εθνικισμός, μεταλλάχτηκε σε εθνικό σωβινισμό.
http://networkedblogs.com/cuSKL Map courtesy CIA World Factbook
by James Mayfield (Chairman, European Heritage Library) This article analyzes the intense political and cultural conflict between modern Macedonian Slavs and Greeks over the ethnic origin of the Macedonian people, especially whether or not they descend from ancient Macedon and Alexander the Great. The inter-cultural debate over their history is so intense that Macedonia was actually de facto embargoed by Greece for more than a decade because of its choice to use the name “Macedonia” (which Greeks demand may only refer to Alexander’s ancient Greek Macedon). Debates on Youtube videos are used to illustrate the puissance of this inter-cultural conflict. It is interesting to any reader because it shows how cultures use nationalism and history to create (falsely or not) an identity for their proud people.
Brief history and culture of the ancient Macedonians, Greeks or Slavs? “Macedonia” and the “Macedonians” have a complicated history. Originally, Macedonia (or Macedon) referred to an ancient despotate in the period of a plethora of ancient Greek tribes and city-states in the 5th century BCE. As the Greek cities of Athens, Sparta, and Thebes collapsed into obsolescence and instability, the great military champion Philip and his son Alexander the Great exploited the equestrian prowess and military efficiency of the Macedonian Greek kingdom to conquer a realm that included all of the Greek tribes, Asia Minor, Egypt, Iran, western Central Asian, and Pakistan, forever reforming the cultural and political framework of Eurasia for the next several centuries. After Alexander’s death, his ephemeral empire collapsed almost immediately, divided among Greek tribes and warlords like the Seleucids and Ptolemaic dynasty. What is now Greece was divided between a number of petty ethnic Greek states prior to the transcendence of Rome, including Macedonia, Sparta, Aetolia, Achaea, Rhodes, Pergamon, and Epirus (see the map below). The largest of these Greek states in the 3rd century BCE was Macedonia, then firmly an ethnically, culturally, and linguistically Greek nation that was in great contrast to the Slavic Macedonia of today. Historical evidence indisputably dictates that the ancient Macedonians expressed a Greek language and culture. However, Macedonian society had a number of minute distinctions from the rest of the peninsula, including a great emphasis on horses and a great proximity to encroaching barbarians, that has led many to postulate that the Macedonians were of non-Greek racial origin that adopted a uniformly Greek culture. This is a basis of many modern Macedonians’ argument that they and the ancient Macedonians were non-Greek.
During the late 3rd century, as the insignificant Roman Republic progressed into a massive imperial presence that briefly crushed the Carthaginians during the Punic Wars, the Greek tribes and states of modern Greece became a target. Philip V of Macedonia (named after Alexander’s father), an ally of Carthage, became an opponent of Rome. Four subsequent Macedonian Wars between Greek Macedonia and Rome resulted in the complete annexation of the peninsula and all of the Greek tribes by the Romans by the middle 2nd century BCE. The complete historical, cultural, ethno-racial, and linguistic roots of the region are entirely Greek from the foundation of Macedon as a signficant power in the 5th century until its collapse in the 2nd century before Christ. The Greeks extoll the world-conquering and culture-creating achievements of Alexander the Great, Philip, and Philip V as proof of the glory of a Greek Macedonia. Macedonian nationalists who claim an Alexandrian inheritance insist that Alexander and the ancient Macedonians were of a distinct genetic stock to the Greeks, despite having a Greek culture. From the 6th century onward, migrating Slavs populated and settled in the Balkans, becoming the main ethnic, cultural, racial, and genetic stock in Macedonia, Serbia, Bulgaria, Bosnia, etc. The Macedonians have since inherited a Slavic culture, language, heritage, religion (Orthodoxy), and identity. This 1,400-year Slavic history is the basis for the claim to a Slavic Macedonia that rivals the Greeks’ claim to an ancient Greek Macedon.
The re-emergence of Macedonia as a Slavic identity in Yugoslavia and as an independent nation embargoed by Greece
The identity of the modern nation of the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia emerged in the early 20th century as the yoke of Ottoman Muslim conquest began to atrophy into total collapse. In the vacuum of independence movements that followed, the Slavs of the territory of Macedonia struggled to build a free nation. Macedonia, an abstract geographic term referring to the whole multi-ethnic region straddling Greece, Bulgaria, and Serbia, was the last territory to be liberated from foreign Muslim occupation. Undeveloped nationalist movements emerged that promoted an eclectic array of ethnic affiliations, some Slavic like the Bulgarians and Serbs, some independently Macedonian, and some Greek irridentists who sought to merge with the new nation of Greece. All were closely aligned with the Orthodox Christian faith. This independence-aspiring movement, greatly supported by the Orthodox Slavic nations surrounding it, focused more on their desire to be liberated from Muslim occupation than on any Greek, Slavic, or other racial affiliations. The genesis of a Macedonian national identity was a national uprising against the Turks in 1903 that established the so-called Krushevo Republic that was eventually crushed. This complicated history is important in order to understand the many ethnic groups’ claims to Macedonian heritage. In 1913 in the Balkan Wars, an alliance of all of the Balkan Slavic states and Greece decimated the Ottoman Empire and liberated Macedonia, which was annexed to Slavic Serbia much to the disappointment of ultra-nationalist Slavic Bulgaria. The subsequent Second Balkan War of Serbia against Bulgaria over Macedonia led to the crushing defeat of Bulgaria, and placed Macedonia firmly in the hands of Serbia. As Serbia expanded after World War I to incorporate what became Yugoslavia, Macedonia became an integral territory of Yugoslavia for nearly a century to follow. During World War II, when Axis Bulgaria was allied with Adolf Hitler, Macedonia was annexed by Bulgaria. An intense effort by the Bulgarian government to purge Macedonia of Serbian, Jewish, Gypsy, and other non-Bulgarian traits illuminates the still-surviving Bulgarian claim to Macedonian identity. After Bulgaria’s defeat by the Soviets, Macedonia returned to now-Communist Yugoslavia from 1945 until 1992. In 1992, as the Yugoslav Wars tore the nation apart, the Macedonians declared independence peacefully. Macedonia is today one of the poorest and most obsolescent nations of Europe, and has been frequently troubled by an ethnic Albanian Muslim minority (33%), especially during the 2001 civil war that they caused. The modern debate of an ancient Greek-Macedonian origin of the Macedonian Slavs, with Youtube video debates As seen in the above historical walkthrough, the ethnic and cultural identity of “Macedonia” has long been blurred and disputed between different neighboring identities. Bulgarians insist that today’s Slavic Macedonians are merely Bulgarians who effectively renamed their language to “Macedonian” during Yugoslav rule. Serbs insist, due to their inclusion in Yugoslavia on and off from 1918 until 1992, that the Macedonians are Slavs closer to the Serbs. Albanians insist that the region of modern Macedonia belongs to the Albanian minority and once belonged to (falsely) ancient Illyria, which Albanians claim to be their ancestral homeland. Each of these cultures bitterly hates each other.
Greeks insist that today’s “Macedonians” are merely Slavs who have no right to trace their ancestry to their resplendent Greek despot Alexander the Great, a lion of Greek cultural heritage. The Macedonians, however, having separated from their hated previous Serbian rulers of Yugoslavia, fail to agree on their interpretation of their ethnic heritage. Many Macedonian nationalists claim to be the direct descendents of the ancient Greek Macedonians, including Philip and Alexander the Great. Others claim that the Macedonians are a mixed population. Others say that they are a firmly Slavic people like the rest of their neighbors. Others acknowledge that their language (a cornerstone of their nationality) is virtually identical to Bulgarian, and thus they are more Bulgarian Slavic than they are ancient Macedonian, Greek or otherwise. The inter-ethnic conflict in Europe is so strong that it has caused Greece and Macedonia to almost approach war. From its independence in 1992 and its choice of the name “Republic of Macedonia,” Greece initially refused to recognize the nation’s existence altogether. Greeks bitterly refused to allow what they viewed as the non-Greek Slavs to lay claim to this ancient Greek Alexandrian heritage. Bulgarians dismissed the Macedonian claims of a different, non-Bulgarian identity. Even the geography of Macedonia is a problem,given that only a tiny portion of the modern nation of Macedonia corresponds with ancient Greek Macedon. The Greeks actually imposed a de facto trade embargo on Macedonia for nearly a decade due to this inter-cultural traducing. Although Greek and Macedonian politicians are more pragmatic and have set aside this conflict in the name of auspicious economics, citizens from both cultures actively oppose each other. Even today, ethnic Greeks and Macedonians are bitterly racist against one another. Finally, the official name “Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia” was selected to emphasize that modern Macedonia is not the same as ancient Macedonia, but rather an offshoot of Slavic Yugoslav history. This was a practical effort by the bankrupt nation of Macedonia, almost the poorest in Europe, to attain good standing with their neighboring and very wealthy trading partner Greece. Whenever the prefix “FYRO” is not included, intense arguments always follow that have even required international diplomacy summits in Bucharest as recently as 2008. Many criticize that the Macedonian flag’s sun is an obvious replication of ancient Macedon’s sun standard. After 1995, the original flag of FYRO Macedonia was changed from the nearly exact same flag as Philip’s to its modern format seen below. Most Macedonians today are split between the assertion that they are Slavs or ancient Macedonian descendents of Alexander. Many argue whether Alexander was Greek or “Macedonian,” whilst Greeks refuse to see any distinction between the two affiliations. The official government position, seeking peace with wealthier Greece, acknowledges that the Macedonians are not Greek, but Slavic. The first president of Macedonia (Kiro Gligorov), under whose authority the naming conflict arose, admitted “we are Slavs who came to this area in the 6th century…we are not descendants of the ancient Macedonians [Greeks].” [1] Slavs have occupied Macedonia for 1,500 years along with the rest of the Balkans, giving it their physiognomy, culture, genetics, and language that are all firmly distinct from the features of the Greek race. The Macedonian people, however, are of varying opinions. Aside from its Alexandrian flag, many expressions of Macedonian society intimate a perceived connection to the ancient Macedonians or Greeks. Macedonia’s capital airport in Skopje is called Alexander the Great airport. Statues of Alexander can be seen throughout Macedonia. Museums in Skopje extoll the Alexandrian heritage of their nation. Although Macedonians proudly identified themselves as Slavs from 1914 until 1992, many Macedonians were inclined to distance themselves from their hated Serbian Slavic rivals, and as a result many readily created a new myth of this semi-divine ancestry that made them separate from all of their foreign claimants. At least six Macedonians I interviewed in diaspora emphasized their unique roots not as Slavs, not as Greeks, but as Macedonians. Many repeated that soon archeology will “find evidence any day now” proving that the modern Macedonians are related to Alexander the Great and that the Greeks are not.
Mιλτιάδης Η. Μπόλαρης
Το παρών άρθρο δημοσιεύθηκε ταυτόχρονα και στο Αμέρικαν Κρόνικλ:
http://www.americanchronicle.com/articles/view/166406 καθώς και στο Ιστολόγιο MACEDONIAN issues ΜΑΚΕΔΟΝΙΚΑ θέματα МАКЕДОНСКИЕ вопросы:
http://macedonianissues.blogspot.com/2010/06/fyrom-and-greece-preconditions-for.html
Todor Petrov (pictured above between a medieval Bulgarian lion and an ancient Greek sun) is the self-proclaimed "President of the World (Slavo-)macedonian Congress. He wants us all to believe that he is a reasonable man, a man of Peace and reconciliation.
In an article in the Skopje daily Vreme (1)we read that he is asking for nothing less than for the presidents of Greece Carolos Papoulias and the president of the Former Yugoslav Republic of Makedonija (FYROM) Georgi Ivanov to sign a statement of reconciliation. Not just a statement, in fact, but "a joint presidential declaration between (Slavo-)makedonija and Greece on the (Slavo-)makedonijan-Greek historical reconciliation". This will have to be followed by a proposed suggestion that "both governments must conclude an agreement on a lasting peace and good neighborly relations between (Slavo-)makedonija and Greece, which will replace the Interim Agreement".
Greece and FYROM have been butting heads ever since the Former Yugoslav People´s Republic split off its mother country Yugoslavia and declared independence, back in 1991. The problem, as Greeks saw it, was the Slavomacedonians´ ultra-nationalism and unbridled irredentism, typical of most nationalities that cut themselves off Yugoslavia at some point or another during the 1990's. The Skopje ultra-nationalists gleefully and in all seriousness demanded annexation of large chunks of Greek territory, including Greece´s second largest city, Thessaloniki. Maps of United Makedonija were widely distributed and propagated, from Melbourne and Toronto to Skopje and the internet:
These attitudes were expressed most vividly in the name and the symbols of the new country: Makedonija, a Slavic rendition of Macedonia, which happens to be the northernmost and largest province of Greece, home of Aristotle and Alexander the Great, among other Greek notables. By 1995, an interim agreement, to which Mr. Petrov makes mention was reached, and some changes were agreed, like dropping the most offensive of FYROM´s constitutional articles that were seemed directed against Greece, and the changing of both the flag and the name. The name for international use was accepted to be FYROM, and it was seen as a transitional name to be replaced later on by a permanent one to be agreed in negotiations between the two countries.
Is it Halloween yet? - Skopje Slavs parading their ethnic confusion
Todor Petkov´s proposals, in other words, sound too good to be true! Finally, someone would think, the most extreme Slavomakedonci groups seem to be putting water in their deleteriously ultra-nationalist positions. It is these expatriate organizations, centered in Melbourne, Australia and Toronto, Canada that ever since the 1940´s seem to be the carriers of the most uncompromising anti-Hellenism. These are the ones who have poisoned the political agenda inside Skopje itself, forcing the "Antiquization" campaign, also known sarcastically as "Bucephalism" from Bucephalas, the name of the horse of Alexander the Great into the political arena. They have forced the revision of this multi-ethnic state´s history, making a two prong attack. First they try to deny the Hellenic nature of the ancient Macedonians, whose name they wish to assume. Secondly, they want to convince the Slavonic inhabitants of FYROM feel that they are not Slavs, and that the Slavic invasion of the 7th and 8th century AD never happened. That these Slavonic people are supposedly indigenous to the area since time immemorial and they are, therefore, the true descendants of the ancient Macedonians. A new official version of a so-called "History of the Macedonian Nation" has been published in 2009, making all these un-historical and outlandish claims official national dogma, something for which a Joseph Goebbels or a Lavrenti Beria would be proud of.
Hearing the president of this group, which started it all, proclaiming reconciliation with "the enemy" is a thunder in sunshine…we rightfully wonder: what happened?
Vreme´s article is thankfully not keeping us in tension for too long. Todor Petrov is forthcoming with a few minor preconditions:
A. "Great Britain must apologize for her agreement with Russia to assist the Greek government defeat the (Communist Party-led) partisan movement during the (1946-1949)Greek Civil War, in which the (Slavo-)macedonians, took active part".
It is true that the Churchill and Stalin made an agreement during the famous Yalta conference, by which Stalin relinquished any interest in Greece, being content with control of Bulgaria, Romania and Yugoslavia, and practical as he was, left Greece and Turkey to the British (later, after 1946, American) sphere of interest. The British, he was heard saying, will not let Greece go, and we have no navy…
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=qch1f8MBJCo&feature=related
B. "Greece must recognize the associations of the child refugees from Greek Macedonia".
These are the now grown up Greek children, over 30,000 of whom had been taken from their own villages by the retreating Democratic Army partisans and most were raised in orphanages in Tito´s Yugoslavia. Greece at the time raised hell internationally and several United Nations resolutions were passed against Yugoslavia for this crime against humanity, but of the 30,000 who left, less than 1000 were ever returned. The rest of them grew up in a system that taught them a new, recently formed language, teaching them that they are not Greeks but (Slavo-)Macedonians, effectively making rabidly anti-Greek Janissaries out of them.
http://www.youtube.com/user/rempetisa#p/u/14/j30oc2DCdd8
The Yugoslav propaganda painted this tragedy in totally different colors: They named it the EXODUS of the "Macedonian" children, giving it biblical overtones, as if the children made their own decision about where they were being led. More on them later.
C. "Macedonians from "Aegean Macedonia" (originally a Bulgarian but later also Slavomacedonian misnomer for Historic Macedonia of Northern Greece) individually and united must act to exercise their rights of citizenship and property rights and inheritance rights and to claims their seized property".
At the end of the civil war, there were winners and there were losers. The ones who lost had to filter into Albania, Yugoslavia and Bulgaria, and they were then spread, being divided between the Warsaw pact countries, many staying in Yugoslavia´s southernmost province, the so called Socialist People´s Republica Makedonija, while others were relocated everywhere from Hungary´s Beloyiannis village to Poland, and from Uzbekistan´s Tashkent to Czechoslovakia, Bulgaria and Romania; anywhere, in other words, as long as they were far from Stalin´s Moscow who wanted to have nothing to do with them. Many who were caught inside Greece, or trying to cross the frontiers, were executed or thrown into prisons and exile in deserted islands. Thousands of ex-partisans lingered in prison and exile for anywhere from 1 to 15 years or more, most of them with death or life sentences on their head. The ones who left Greece lost all their civil and political rights. Their homes and property were passed to their closest in kin. Although almost everyone built a new life in their respective host countries, some married and made new families, many having left another wife and children back in Greece, but as years went by, they started lobbying their host governments to ask the Greek state to allow their repatriation. Some, especially the ones living in Yugoslavia eventually emigrated and some, very few, ended up in the USA; having to sign the US immigration petition that "you are not now or have not in the past been affiliated with the Communist Party", did not help. Most of them found a new home in Canada or Australia.
More than twenty five years later, post 1975, some of the old partisans of the "Democratic Army" started trickling back into Greece. Then in 1981 Andreas Papandreou´s Socialist PASOK government came to power on a platform of civil war reconciliation and he allowed anyone who had taken up arms in the 1940´s on the side of the partisans but wished to return to do so. There was only one condition to repatriation: Even if you or your children and been born abroad, you had to declare that you are a Greek national. If you were naïve enough to write in your petition: Sovietski, Bulgarski, Makedonski, Slavomakedonski, etc, etc, your petition was summarily dismissed. The road to Greece was open only to the ones who felt and declared themselves to be Greek. Anyone who had collaborated with the occupation of the Nazi-allied Bulgarians (part of Greek Macedonia and most of Greek Thrace had been ceded by Hitler to Bulgaria) or participated in the civil war under Nikos Zachariades´ catastrophic leadership which (in exchange for diplomatic and military support from Tito) advocated that historic Macedonia of Greece be ceded to Tito´s Yugoslavia, and continued to harbor such notions was simply not welcome back, blocking their chances of return to Greece.
No state organizations accepts its voluntary dismemberment without a fight. The Americans fought a bitter civil war to avoid just that in the 19th century and they succeeded, and so did the Yugoslavs unsuccessfully in the 1990's. Speaking of the Americans, to the best of my knowledge, once you take up arms against the American state, like some American born Islamic activists have done so lately, American citizen or not, you are considered an enemy combatant and if caught, in Pakistan, Afghanistan or in New York, you are brought in front of a judge to face death sentence or life imprisonment without parole. I would never equate the Islamic fundamentalists with the Greek partisans of the 1940´s, and I am not advocating the death penalty or state terror against anyone, far from it, but I am trying to keep things in perspective, and take a view from the side of the State´s self preservation.
Some, of the ones we were refused re-entry included many who had emigrated to Canada and Australia, organized themselves in Slavomacedonian organizations and habitually demonstrated outside Greek consular offices. Many of them were in fact the children of the so called "paidomazoma" / the "child abduction" children of the civil war, grown up and full of hatred against Greece by now. Obviously, their names joined the list of undesirables, and the Greek customs officers refused entry to them, especially when they tried to enter Northern Greece in busloads through Skopje.
Who are these children of abduction, the children of the so called Paidomazoma, or Exodus if you like?
During the fiercest battles, towards the end of the Greek civil war, men and women were being forced from both sides to join either the rebel partisans or the national army. The children were being left behind in bombed out villages to fend for themselves. Both sides took realized the problem and both sides took action, to take these children under their control and protection. The royalists created the Paidoupoleis (Παιδουπόλεις / children's cities) in other parts of Greece, away from the fighting, under the auspices of Queen Frederica who saw them as first class propaganda opportunity, to prop up her royal presence. The partisans did exactly the same, taking the children in areas of their control and shipping them off to friendly Eastern European countries, mostly, but not only, in Yugoslavia. Eastern Germany, Czechoslovakia and others took in many of these Greek children too.
Many of these innocent Greek children that were taken abroad were homeless and orphaned, and many lost their parents either because they were eventually killed or arrested, sent off to prison or exile or finally lost in the confusion of the times and were never re-united. Even in cases when the mother was at home, the pressure to get a child out of a war zone where Greek and American planes were bombing every village suspected of cooperation with the Democratic Army guerrillas, was sufficient to persuade the parent, grandparent or other guardian to let the child be taken away, in safety. Whether the children were taken forcefully (it may have happened, and for sure there are documented cases that it did) or taken out willingly from cooperating relatives, the issue is really secondary as to what happened to them later on. The children that remained in Greece or were sent off to other countries, remained Greek. A different fate awaited those who were settled in Yugoslavia. Makedonski indoctrination set in. You are "Macedonians", "Makedonci", "Ethnic Makedonci", they were told. Greeks are your parents' enemies, Greece is your enemy, Makedonija and Yugoslavia is your new country and Marshal Tito is your savior.
http://www.youtube.com/user/rempetisa#p/u/19/RY-j5O-Ynng
A tag of diplomatic and propaganda flared up between Greece and Yugoslavia. The innocent children of the civil war became a point of contention and Greece fought in the United Nations and in the international fora to take them back, throughout the late 1940´s and early 1950´s.
Once they grew up though, they became the unwanted ones, having grown into Yugoslav Jenissaries. The Greek state reacted by rejecting them, not allowing their return, as long as they proclaimed another ethnicity. It is as if someone removes several cells from your body, treats them with poison and then attempts to infuse them back into you: No sane person would accept such transfusion.
The most famous -or infamous- of these expatriate Janissaries is the current prime minister of FYROM, Nikola Gruevski whose grandfather Νικόλαος Γρούιος / Nikolaos Grouios(1911-1940) was a hero of the Greek army, who joined the Greek army and died during the 1940 Greco-Italian war, resisting the Italian invasion of Greece. He died in the Florina military hospital on November 19, 1940 having been mortally wounded by an Italian shrapnel days earlier, and his name is prominently scribed on a marble Heroon in his native village, Αχλάδα/Achlada of the Φλώρινα/Florina district. His son, Gruevski's father himself is one of the so called "Deca Belgaci" children. Gruevski, whose own mother is a Greek Vlach-turned fanatical Makedonka, has become the most virulent enemy of anything and everything Greek.
Now, Todor Petrov is proposing that all of the expatriates "individually and united must act to exercise their rights of citizenship and property rights and inheritance rights and to claims their seized property." (3)
The Greek government has recently declared that it is open to discuss repatriation, and even restitution. Restitution from whom though? Who is tilling their parents´ or grandparents´ land? It is obvious that they will have to sue their own cousins.
If you abandon your land in Greece for over twenty years, anyone who has used it for that time without paying you rent has acquired property rights over it, according to the law. Assuming that Todor Perov´s mates return, a can of worms will be opened, attorneys will be happy, and old family ties will now break up and flare into intra-familial hatred.
But this is not all of it. Todor Petrov has more aces up his sleeve. The civil war issues are only the beginning. The main course come immediately after:
D. For what Mr. Petrov calls "persecutions of the (Slavo-)macedonians during the Balkan wars" of 1912-1913, which today, according to Mr. Petrov, are "defined" (by whom?) as "genocide" there "must be a request for reparation of war damages from the occupation and the division of Macedonia and the genocide against the Macedonian people" - said Petrov.
Where can we start from, now? It is a fact that there were no Slavomakedonci during the 1912 war of liberation against the Ottoman empire. Tito´s so called "Makedonci" nation had to wait until 1944 to be invented. At that time the Bulgarophile Slavs of Macedonia were still Bulgarians. They were calling themselves "Bugari". Todor Petrov is speaking of persecutions but somehow he is forgetting about Serres. My hometown is Serres, which the Bulgarian army burned down completely ninety sever years ago to the date, on June 29, 1913, during its hasty retreat, because its population was not deemed friendly to Bulgarian occupation. Is this burning down of a major Macedonian city (Doxato in Drama province was the next town to suffer the same fate), plus the summary executions of Greek notables also considered genocide?
Serres (Σερρες) after the 1913 torching by the retreating Bulgarian army
Can I and my family sue the Bulgarian state, almost a hundred years later for reparations? But wait, Petrov, is not saying anything about Bulgarians, he almost forgot all about his Bugari / Bulgarski grandparents. True enough, he is a Makedonski now! So, now, it is definitely getting a bit confusing here. Whom should I have to sue? Should I forget about the original Bulgarians and direct my lawsuit against the FYROMian government in Skopje instead, and demand reparations for their "genocide against the Macedonian Greeks of Serres" and the "war damages" inflicted upon my own family´s property, for the Bulgarian occupation of Serres?
No division between the two existed at the time, and the grandparents of today's Slavomacedonians were proud Bugari being separated by the Bulgarians by a mere "l" (BuLgari) not Makedonci. Therefore, I suppose that I have every right to sue either of them or better yet, both of them! I will find an attorney in Sofia and sue the descendants of both the Bulgari who burned down my hometown, and another attorney in Skopje and sue the descendants of the Bugari – the Slavomacedonians who did the same and whomever wins (I think both will) I will be happy. Me and my brother, and all of our children will now be rich! Victims of Genocide that we are, we will win so much money for the war reparations of our torched down city of Serres that the next step will be to hire yet two more attorneys and send them off to the next mission: Reparations for war damages from the Bulgarian (must I call it "Bugarian/(Slavo-)macedonski"?) occupation and division of Macedonia during the first world war. Speaking of genocide, should we maybe remember the 70,000 Eastern Macedonian Greeks that were taken by the Bulgarian army as "hostages" during the 1916-1917 years of WWI, and only 12,000 of them returned alive? But we are not done yet! What about the second world war? The same week that the Nazi Germans broke through the Thessaloniki – Central Macedonian front, the Bulgarian army followed suit and occupied our province FOR A THIRD TIME IN AS MANY DECADES! Our province was split in half, and the western pat remained with Nazi – occupied Greece, while the Eastern part, including my hometown Serres, and further east the rest of Eastern Macedonia and Western Thrace were given by Hitler to Bulgaria. Talk about "the occupation and the division of Macedonia", indeed!
Hitler also gave Skopje and Vardarska, to the Bulgarians of Sofia. Vardarska, you guessed it, is southern Yugoslavia, which is post 1991 an independent country that now calls itself "Makedonija" but the rest of the world FYROM. Skopje´s Bulgarophile population went frantic and joyous out in the streets to welcome Hitler´s troops and the Bulgarian King they brought along with them.
The Greek Macedonians were now openly persecuted. All the Greek priests had to leave their churches on a day´s notice and all the Greek teachers were thrown out of the schools. Both were replaced by Bulgarians who were brought in from Bulgaria that same week. Greek doctors and attorneys had to sign off their property and were expelled, and so was the case with any and all elected officials. The best homes were all confiscated and given to Bulgarians who were brought in by the thousands to stay.
Within a week´s notice, all the Greek street and commercial signs everywhere had to be changed with Cyrillic and no Greek sign could stay up anywhere. Food became scarce; the economy collapsed and food coupons became the only means of acquiring foodstuffs. Opportunities opened up for the occupational authorities. If you declared yourself a Bulgarian, you were given twice the coupons, twice the rations. New words were invented and entered the Greek language, words immediately forgotten after WWII:
Ντουρντουβάκια / Dourdouvakia: the Greek youth of Eastern Macedonia and Thrace that were summarily rounded up and taken into Bulgaria to work as unpaid slave laborers for the benefit of the Bulgarian state.
Βουλγαρογραμμένος / Boulgarogrammenos was someone who had become "written down" / declared as a Bulgarian".
Λαδοβούλγαρος / Ladoboulgaros: literally an "oily-Bulgarian", someone that became a Bulgarian in order to get olive oil rations in return and avoid starvation.
I know this is not "genocide" in the literal meaning of the word, but it is a hell of a lot harsher than any bogus "genocide" the Greeks are being accused of by the likes of Todor Petrov and his group. But using hunger to change someone´s ethnic identity, really hits the borderline, if you ask me. On another note, the word Genocide has a very particular meaning: Killing off the genes, killing off the procreated future of a nation. Is this what happened to the Bulgarians / Slavomacedonians after Macedonia´s liberation from the Ottomans? Some, several thousand actually, left, especially from the Kilkis area and relocated to Bulgaria. But so did several thousand Greeks who felt trapped into Serbia and Bulgaria, especially from the Monastir district, Stromnista or Philippoupolis. Was that a Genocide too? We need to remain serious. The Greeks from Bulgaria and south Serbia (later renamed Vardarska and now calls itself Makedonija, or FYROM) left because they felt unwelcome, and so did the Bulgarians of Kilkis, but nobody was massacred or suffered the fate of the Pontian and Asia Minor Greeks, Christian Assyrians and Armenians in the hands of the Turks during and after WWI. THAT was genocide.
So, now we return to Todor Petrov´s proposal in Vreme. The article is titled:
"Aegeans require a signature for reconciliation". By "Aegeans" the article means the descendants of the defeated Slavomacedonian partisans who left Greece and relocated to Skopje after the Greek civil war, as if Florina has anything to do with Aegean (it is like saying the "Pacifics", as in the Pacific Ocean, speaking of the people who live in Colorado).
"The presidents of (Slavo-)macedonia and Greece, George Ivanov and Carlos Papoulias, must sign a statement of reconciliation of the two countries". Indeed, the President of the World (Slavo-)macedonian Congress / Светскиот македонски конгрес, Todor Petrov / Тодор Петров, announces that he will encourage the process of reconciliation and unity…!
So, then, where do we start from? I propose that we start from "A":
"Great Britain must apologize for her agreement with Russia to assist the Greek government defeat the (Communist Party-led) partisan movement during the 1946-1949 Greek Civil War, in which the (Slavo-)macedonians, took active part."
But, i wonder, why only the British? The British after all gave up on their presence in Greece by the time the civil war got serious, in 1946, ceding their position of dominance in the Greek political and military events to the Americans.
I propose that Todor Petrov and the World Congress of the (Slavo-)macedonians take steps to amend this slight oversight and immediately send a forceful demand to president Barack Obama insisting that the "US must apologize for her agreement with Great Britain and Russia to assist the Greek government to defeat the (Communist Party-led) partisan movement during the 1946-1949 Greek Civil War, in which the (Slavo-)macedonians took active part!"
I just want to see Obama's face when Светскиот македонски конгрес / Svetskiot Makedonski Kongres president Тодор Петров / Todor Petrov presents him with his group's demands for the expected US apology!
Now, since "reconciliation precondition" A and B are already assigned, we can call this one: "Todor Petrov's reconciliation precondition A-1".
Once this is done, and Great Britain and the USA move expediently to conform with Todor Petrov's and Svetsiot Makedonski Kongres' very reasonable demands for British and American apologies, I am sure that presidents Carolos Papoulias and Georgi Ivanov can then hastily move to the next step and tackle "reconciliation precondition B"...
What else can I say...Good Luck!
PS1: The damage that the Slavomacedonian expatriate community has done, comfortably sitting in their Toronto, Indiana or Melbourne suburbs, to their home country, FYROM over the years, idiotically demanding an ever harder position against Greece is beyond measure. Skopje's body politic has for years been hijacked by the kinds of Nikola Gruevski and Todor Petrov who have been imposing their criminally self-defeating ultra-nationalist policies on the young nation, leading it from one blind alley to another and from one humiliating defeat to another.
Todor Petrov's latest proposal, as published in Vreme and exposed here for what it's worth it, is indicative of the narrow corner into which they have squeezed themselves.
Lasting Peace, good neighborly relations and reconciliation are indeed needed, but it takes two to tango and they obviously cannot be achieved by people who make ludicrously unsupported claims of "genocide" or "exodus" and demand "apology" and "war reparations" for the war of the Greeks against the Turks and Bulgarians during the first and second Balkan wars of 1912 and 1913. Every nation, even the Turks, at some point or another like to pretend that they have been the victim of everyone else. The problem with Nikola Gruevski, Todor Petrov and VMRO-DPMN is that they have overstretched the net of their ultra-nationalist mythology and ethnic hatred against the Greeks just a little bit too far and they are now trapped in it!
PS2: I may or may not agree with everything said on the videos above but I think that they are well-researched and very informative. M.E.B.
ΤΟΥ ΓΙΩΡΓΟΥ ΔΙΟΝΥΣΟΠΟΥΛΟΥ «Παράθυρο» για τη διεκδίκηση ελληνικών περιουσιών, από πολίτες των Σκοπίων, ανοίγει η κυβέρνηση μέσω της πρόθεσής της να αποδώσει την ελληνική ιθαγένεια σε όλους όσοι τη στερήθηκαν μετά τον Εμφύλιο. Πρόκειται γι’ αυτούς που διέφυγαν στην πρώην Γιουγκοσλαβία από τη χώρα μας κατά τη διάρκεια και μετά τον Εμφύλιο Πόλεμο και οι οποίοι, παρά το γεγονός ότι τους δόθηκε αμνηστία και το ελληνικό κράτος τούς είχε επιτρέψει την επιστροφή τους στην Ελλάδα, δεν επανήλθαν με αποτέλεσμα να στερηθούν την ιθαγένειά τους ως αρνησιπάτριδες. Η συντριπτική πλειονότητα κατοικεί στα Σκόπια, αποτελώντας τον πυρήνα της σκληρής στάσης που τηρούν οι Σκοπιανοί στο θέμα της ονομασίας, αφού θεωρούν τους εαυτούς τους μόνο «Μακεδόνες», έχοντας παραμερίσει την ελληνική τους ταυτότητα εξαιτίας της ήττας και της φυγής τους στα τέλη της δεκαετίας του 1940.
Ο αριθμός τους υπολογίζεται σε περίπου 50 με 60 χιλιάδες, οι οποίοι, εφόσον υλοποιηθούν οι προθέσεις της κυβέρνησης, όχι μόνο θα λάβουν την ελληνική ιθαγένεια, αλλά είναι εξαιρετικά πιθανό να θέσουν επί τάπητος και να διεκδικήσουν περιουσίες, δημιουργώντας τεράστια κοινωνική και οικονομική αναταραχή, ιδιαίτερα στην ευαίσθητη περιοχή της Μακεδονίας. Πρόκειται για περιουσίες οι οποίες δεν είναι δημόσιες, αλλά ιδιωτικές, η πλειονότητα των οποίων ανήκει σε συγγενικά τους πρόσωπα.
Προσφυγή σε Δικαστήριο Ενδεικτικό, δε, των προθέσεών τους, αλλά και των προβλημάτων που αναμένεται να δημιουργήσουν όλοι αυτοί στη χώρα μας είναι η προσφυγή που ήδη έχουν κάνει στο Δικαστήριο Ανθρωπίνων Δικαιωμάτων του Στρασβούργου, ζητώντας μαζί με την ελληνική ιθαγένεια και τις περιουσίες που κατασχέθηκαν τότε. Το εντυπωσιακό είναι ότι όλα αυτά γίνονται με τις ευλογίες της ελληνικής κυβέρνησης, η οποία όπως φαίνεται δεν έχει αποτιμήσει τις συνέπειες από την εφαρμογή μιας τέτοιας νομοθετικής ρύθμισης και τις επιπτώσεις που αυτή θα έχει τόσο στο εσωτερικό της Ελλάδας, όσο και στις σχέσεις της με γειτονικές χώρες.
Πιο συγκεκριμένα, σύμφωνα με επιστολή που απέστειλε στις 13 Απριλίου 2010 η υφυπουργός Εσωτερικών κυρία Θεοδώρα Τζάκρη προς τον επίτροπο Ανθρωπίνων Δικαιωμάτων στο Συμβούλιο της Ευρώπης Τόμας Χάμπαργκε, αφού προηγουμένως τονίζει ότι έχει παύσει να ισχύει το άρθρο 19 του Κώδικα Ελληνικής Ιθαγένειας, εν συνεχεία υπογραμμίζει ότι «στη βάση της νέας νομοθεσίας περί του Κώδικα Ελληνικής Ιθαγένειας, άτομα που έχασαν την ιθαγένειά τους δικαιούνται να υποβάλουν εκ νέου αίτηση για να την ανακτήσουν».
Το εντυπωσιακό είναι πως, σύμφωνα με την κυρία Τζάκρη, η ελληνική κυβέρνηση και το υπουργείο Εσωτερικών ήδη εξετάζει ένα μεγάλο αριθμό αιτήσεων που έχουν υποβληθεί από τους ενδιαφερόμενους. «Η ελληνική κυβέρνηση εργάζεται με στόχο τη διευκόλυνση της διαδικασίας για τα άτομα που επιθυμούν να αποκτήσουν εκ νέου την ιθαγένειά τους», αναφέρει χαρακτηριστικά στην επιστολή της η κυρία Τζάκρη. Σε κάθε περίπτωση πάντως μια τέτοια ρύθμιση αναμένεται να έχει ανυπολόγιστες συνέπειες για τη χώρα μας, αφού, πέραν της… φάμπρικας που αναμένεται να ανοίξει με το μεγάλο θέμα της διεκδίκησης περιουσιών, εκτιμάται ότι θα επιτρέψει να έρθουν –και ενδεχομένως να εγκατασταθούν– στη Μακεδονία χιλιάδες προπαγανδιστές των σκοπιανών θέσεων.
Διεκδικήσεις Να σημειώσουμε ότι σε ένα τέτοιο ενδεχόμενο όχι μόνο θα αναζωπυρωθούν και θα ενταθούν οι αλυτρωτικές διαθέσεις των Σκοπίων σε βάρος της χώρας μας, αλλά η σκοπιανή πολιτική ηγεσία θα βάλει «ένα ακόμη βέλος στη φαρέτρα της», διεκδικώντας την ύπαρξη μειονότητας εντός των ελληνικών συνόρων. Από την πλευρά του, το υπουργείο Εσωτερικών υποστηρίζει πάντως ότι για να λάβει κάποιος την ελληνική ιθαγένεια θα πρέπει να μην συντρέχουν για το πρόσωπό του λόγοι δημόσιας ή εθνικής ασφάλειας, ενώ τονίζεται ότι το γεγονός πως εξετάζονται οι συγκεκριμένες αιτήσεις δεν σημαίνει απαραίτητα ότι θα γίνουν και δεκτές. Το συγκεκριμένο θέμα έφεραν στη βουλή με σχετικές ερωτήσεις τους βουλευτές τόσο της ΝΔ όσο και του ΛΑΟΣ.
Σε δηλώσεις του στα «Επίκαιρα» ο πρώην διοικητής της ΕΥΠ και βουλευτής του ΛΑΟΣ κ. Ιωάννης Κοραντής, αφού προηγουμένως χαρακτήρισε την απάντηση του υπουργείου Εσωτερικών ως μπερδεμένη, καθώς η αρμόδια υφυπουργός κυρία Τζάκρη «σε δυόμισι σελίδες ανακατεύει τα πάντα, με γλαφυρό στιλ και τα αρνείται όλα», εν συνεχεία τονίζει πως η ουσία είναι διαφορετική, αφού «το μήνυμα το πήραν οι λεγόμενοι “Αιγαιάτες Μακεδόνες”, οι οποίοι έχουν ξεσηκωθεί, έχουν κάνει συγκεντρώσεις και τώρα θα κινηθούν οργανωμένα για να ανακτήσουν τις περιουσίες τους». «Νομίζω ότι ήταν μία άτσαλη ενέργεια από πλευράς της κυρίας Τζάκρη», καταλήγει ο κ. Κοραντής.
Για το ίδιο θέμα μίλησε στα «Επίκαιρα» και ο βουλευτής Φλώρινας της ΝΔ κ. Ευστάθιος Κωνσταντινίδης, σύμφωνα με τον οποίο η επάνοδος όλων όσοι έφυγαν την περίοδο του Εμφυλίου από τη χώρα μας έχει δύο όψεις: Μία ανθρωπιστική και μία εθνική και κοινωνική. «Η ανθρωπιστική διάσταση έγκειται στο γεγονός ότι αυτοί οι άνθρωποι θέλουν κάποια στιγμή να επιστρέψουν στην πατρίδα τους. Και θα έπρεπε ίσως να τους επιτραπεί να δουν τη γη που γεννήθηκαν, εάν όμως δεν υπήρχε ένα άλλο μεγάλο θέμα που έχει να κάνει με την άρνηση όλων αυτών των ανθρώπων να δεχτούν την ελληνική ιθαγένεια, ότι δηλαδή είναι Έλληνες στο γένος. Πρόκειται για τους λεγόμενους αρνησιπάτριδες. Αυτοί είναι που δεν μπορούν σήμερα να επιστρέψουν, αφού όλοι οι υπόλοιποι που είχαν φύγει από την Ελλάδα εξαιτίας του Εμφυλίου Πολέμου έχουν επιστρέψει», αναφέρει ο κ. Κωνσταντινίδης.
Παράλληλα, ο βουλευτής της ΝΔ αναφέρεται και στα προβλήματα που θα δημιουργήσει το σχέδιο της κυβέρνησης να παραχωρήσει την ελληνική ιθαγένεια στους συγκεκριμένους ανθρώπους, αναρωτώμενος τι θα γίνει εάν έρθουν όλοι αυτοί σήμερα και διεκδικήσουν περιουσίες σε όλη τη Μακεδονία. «Όλοι αυτοί οι άνθρωποι μεγάλωσαν και γαλουχήθηκαν, τόσο η παλαιότερη όσο και η νεότερη γενιά, μέσα σε ένα σύστημα που τους έμαθε να μισεί την Ελλάδα ως κύριο υπαίτιο της φυγής τους και της στέρησης της ιθαγένειας. Φανταστείτε τώρα να έχουμε ένα πλήθος ανθρώπων οι οποίοι δεν έχουν κανένα “πιστεύω” για την ελληνική ιθαγένεια, την οποία θα ζητήσουν απλά και μόνο για να διεκδικήσουν περιουσίες ή για να αποτελέσουν έναν πολιορκητικό κριό εις βάρος της χώρας μας. Θα προσπαθήσουν να περάσουν μια προπαγάνδα και διάφορα μηνύματα ότι εδώ στη Μακεδονία υπάρχει μία μειονότητα, όπως άλλωστε θέλουν να περάσουν κάποιοι», τονίζει ο κ. Κωνσταντινίδης. m-epikiara,gr
Διαβάσετε περισσότερα εδώ: http://infognomonpolitics.blogspot.com/2010/06/blog-post_4158.html?utm_source=feedburner&utm_medium=email&utm_campaign=Feed%3A+InfognomonPolitics+%28InfognomonPolitics%29#ixzz0qaq1y8SQ
