Εμφάνιση αναρτήσεων με ετικέτα Greeks. Εμφάνιση όλων των αναρτήσεων
Εμφάνιση αναρτήσεων με ετικέτα Greeks. Εμφάνιση όλων των αναρτήσεων

Κυριακή 12 Ιουνίου 2011

Turkish PM Erdogan: "Jews, Armenians and... -pardon my language- Greeks!"...

Turkish Prime Minister Erdogan
The words used by Turkish Prime Minister in a television interview made some waves...when asked about the unacceptable, according to him criticism to his own person, he replied: "There have been many books written about me and the President of the Republic. Untold things have been said about us in these books. They called us Jews, Armenians and they even called us -pardon my language- Greeks! The only thing remaining to us is to resort to justice."
A lot of publicity has been given in Turkey to the expression "pardon my language, Greeks" since this expression
in Turkish refers to something negative. However, the Turkish television channel CNN Turk website makes reference to comments that have been posted in Turkish twitter with messages in the form of "Since when is it a swear word being a Greek?" And "is it a shame to be Greek?"
Erdogan in this case used the word "Rum" (meaning Byzantine "Roman" - "Romios" in Greek), used in Turkey for the Greeks of Turkey and Cyprus. The statement was made by the Turkish Prime Minister in the last election interview with Turkish television channel NTV.

Δευτέρα 30 Μαΐου 2011

Pakistan's valley of wine

The Kalash people celebrate their annual Joshi (spring) festival with dancing and wine
A liberal outlook and festivals where social norms are turned upside down set the Kalash people of north-western Pakistan apart from the rest of the country. But their culture is under threat as Nosheen Abbas found out.
"I don't go to the festival any more - I think it is wrong and according to Islam it is not good”
Muhammad Kalash convert
Entering the Rumbur valley, Pakistan, with all of its violence and militancy, felt like it was left behind. No electricity, phone signals or newspaper stands are to be found in the village of Balanguru, precarious and beautiful, perched between mountains.
Preparations for the Joshi (spring) festival were well under way when I visited: women and men were sitting chatting together, brewing the wine to be drunk, stitching colourful outfits, and on the eve of the celebrations, beating a drum late into the night while dancing.
"Parents don't let their small children drink, but by 13 or 14 you can start drinking here," said Jamrat, one young Kalashi, while another 18-year-old girl was too drunk on festival eve to give an interview.

Kalash Valley

  • Kalash has a population of about 6,500
  • The Kalash people migrated from current-day Afghanistan in the 2nd Century BC
  • Some historians believe they are descendants of Alexander the Great's soldiers
  • The Kalash worship ancestors, as well as 12 gods and goddesses
  • They celebrate four major festivals connected with the seasons and the farming year
  • Many Kalash women still choose to wear the ornate and colourful traditional dress
Estranged people
This is far removed from ordinary Pakistani life where most people adhere to an Islamic code, shunning drink and dance. The Kalash, on the other hand, worship their own gods.
Pakistanis would view Kalash culture with disapproval but nevertheless many, mostly men, still flock to the valleys from around the country to experience the liberation the festival offers.
The Kalash use the blanket term "Punjabi" for the Pakistani men who suddenly show up in the village staring at women, trying to "chat them up", and making many feel uncomfortable.They do not consider themselves Pakistani. In fact, they call anybody from elsewhere in the country "Pakistani" - as if it that term would not cover themselves as well.
But it was in the heady mix of the festival that the first clues appeared about the pressures the outside world is beginning to exert upon this society.
map
Security was heightened in the valleys - a sign that Pakistan's problems can intrude upon even the most isolated communities. A walk-through security gate looked out of place at the foot of the mountain before a winding staircase that led to the heart of the festival.
Here euphoric Kalash people were dancing and singing and there was a distinct whiff of marijuana in the air. There was a small and unconvincing hand-written sign hanging somewhere, warning spectators that drinking was not allowed.
Militant threat All the while, the anti-terrorist squad was scattered across the valleys. Every few steps, stood an upright man in uniform, holding a gun to his chest. And new rules dictate that each foreigner visiting the area must have their own security guard.
"It's ridiculous," says Shane Brady, an Irish tourist. "The police were first being put up in our room, then when we refused, they slept right outside our room."
Saifullah Jan, the owner of a local guest house in Balanguru, feels strongly about it too.
"The police are a hassle here. It's ruining tourism," he says.
Foreign visitors are supposed to pay for their guards' food and accommodation, he adds. When they refuse, supporting the guards becomes a burden for the locals.

“They tell us we'll go to heaven and it's the right path if we convert - but I've told them that it is all up to God” 

Jawad

Ever since the Taliban kidnapped a Greek man in 2009 who had been living and teaching in the Bumburet valley, security has been heightened. And in a country where minorities are increasingly attacked, the authorities are taking extra measures.
Since the kidnapping, people living in the valley have had to be more alert, says one of them, Ishfaq Ahmed. "I don't know if I can call it afraid, because no Kalash will ever leave."
But, he adds, people are aware of the constant underlying threat. He recalls an incident when militants from Nuristan in neighbouring Afghanistan kidnapped six labourers; four were killed and the pictures of their dead bodies released. The other two were set free.
An intelligence agent, who wished to remain unnamed, was also present at the festival - he said the Taliban had been a threat for the last two or three years.
kalash security Security guards were visible everywhere during the festival
Love and conversion At the foot of the entrance to the festival in Rumbur was a mosque, which was in the village next to Balanguru. The increasing rate of conversion to Islam is yet another sign that Kalashi culture risks being eroded. A young man with a kind face, a beard and skull-cap stood nearby.
"I don't go to the festival anymore. I think it is wrong and according to Islam it is not good," Muhammad, a converted Kalash, told me.
In the Bumburet valley, Sunni Muslims are now a majority. According to Ishfaq Ahmed, Muslims and Kalash co-exist peacefully.
"It's a brotherly relationship and Muslims are OK with their festivals." But, he says, "there are some who don't like the Kalash and tell Muslims not to attend the festivals."
"The younger generation is not into the traditions”
Luke Rehmat
Love and marriage appear to dictate the ebb and flow of conversion. Jawad, a sharp and smiling 21-year-old, told me how while studying in the city of Faisalabad in Punjab province he fell in love with a local girl but was unable to marry her because he refused to convert to Islam. He says he was approached numerous times by evangelical groups trying to push him to convert.
"They tell us we'll go to heaven and it's the right path if we convert. But I've told them that it is all up to God whether I convert or not."
One girl told me that more Kalash girls convert, and it generally happens when they get married. For Luke Rehmat the main reasons Kalash convert is the expense of their culture: funerals are expensive, and although weddings are not, traditional clothes are also pricey. These factors may yet prove a defining force for the future of Kalash identity.
The festival does succeed in creating a sense of pride around the valley in the unique atmosphere of liberation and relaxation. Boys and girls openly spend carefree time together, joking and laughing.
kalash woman Many warn that the younger generations are not interested in Kalash traditions
Many of the children performed a ritual at their local temple on the night before the festival began. As old women made walnut bread and men adjusted the traditional coloured feathers for their caps, all that was unique and enchanting about Kalash culture was on display for the gathered visitors.
But many people reminded me that some traditions had already disappeared. And one Kalash resident, Luke Rehmat, sounded a further note of warning.
"The younger generation is not into the traditions," Mr Rehmat said. "They don't want to learn songs and take part."

http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-south-asia-13466250

Τετάρτη 2 Μαρτίου 2011

How many building booms can one city take?

Ex-communist Europe

Eastern approaches 

http://www.economist.com/blogs/easternapproaches/2011/03/macedonias_ethnic_disharmony

The Economist
Mar 1st 2011
by T.J. | SKOPJE
OBELIX, the fat Gaulish friend of cartoon character Asterix, has a catchphrase: "These Romans are crazy!" Walk around Skopje, the Macedonian capital, and you find yourself thinking the same about Macedonians. I don’t mean this to be snide. But the pace of building in and around the city does bring to mind the Mansions of the Gods.
Skopje has long needed sprucing up. But opponents of Nikola Gruevski, who have long accused the prime minister of populist nationalism, will hardly be dissauded by the nature of the construction boom (which the government has christened  Skopje 2014). With an election in the offing, Mr Gruevski will no doubt enjoy taking credit for the new structures mushrooming throughout the city centre.
In Skopje’s central square a massive plinth is being built. It will soon be topped with a huge statue of Alexander the Great. Many Macedonians could not give a fig for Alexander. But they will be delighted to see the Greeks, who have been blocking Macedonia's EU and NATO integration over an objection to the country's name, turn apoplectic with rage when it is unveiled. The Greeks accuse the Macedonians of appropriating Alexander and trying to steal their Hellenic culture.
 But that is just one element. Museums, domes, a new foreign ministry, a bridge bedecked with statues of lions and, as in the Asterix book, a triumphal arch are all springing up, transforming the centre of town. Some of the buildings suit the landscape, but the new constitutional court (pictured), with its massive Corinthian columns, seems a trifle overpowering.
Skopje 2014, which we first wrote about last year, has accentuated bitter disputes between the majority Orthodox Macedonians and Muslim Albanians, who make up a quarter of Macedonia's population. Whenever someone suggests building or rebuilding a church in Skopje, the Albanians demand the same for a mosque. Tensions invariably mount.
The most vivid example brought small groups of Macedonians and Albanians to fisticuffs. Recently, a church-like steel skeleton appeared on the site of an old church inside Skopje's fortress (pictured). The authorities claimed they were merely building a museum in the shape of a church. But Albanians reply that under the original church is an older Illyrian structure; as, they say, they are descended from Illyrians, the site should be theirs. Construction has now stopped, but the issue reveals the delicate balance between Macedonia's two communities, in which religion, identity, land and power are all deeply entwined.
The erection of statues of historical figures and grandiose public buildings looks like an expression of ethnic Macedonian identity. But they are not the only ones; their structures are merely the most visible to outsiders visiting Skopje's centre. Visit Albanian districts in and around the capital and you come across hundreds of new mosques.
Macedonia’s Albanians have a reputation of being much more religious than their brethren from Albania or Kosovo. Their mosque-building has even begun to alarm Albanians from Albania, where they have been labelled as "Talibans" in television chat shows.

Yet the Democratic Union for Integration, a Macedonian Albanian party, which is in coalition with Mr Gruevski, has strictly secular roots. So one wonders whether there is a sub-plot to the mosque-building frenzy. In most cases, a new mosque declares not only the glory of Islam, but that the land on which is stands is Albanian. The paradox is that you can find Albanian-controlled town halls flying American flags a stone’s throw from new mosques sporting Saudi Arabian ones from their minarets.
This is one reason why the church-museum affair is so touchy. Many Macedonians say they keep quiet about the often illegally-built mosques for the sake of social harmony. That is why it irks them that an attempt to build something that merely resembles a church becomes a huge incident. Albanians, by contrast, see Skopje 2014 and related projects like the church-museum as a project designed to shove “Macedonian-ness” down their throats. 
To be continued.
 
http://www.economist.com/blogs/easternapproaches/2011/03/macedonias_ethnic_disharmony

Δευτέρα 14 Ιουνίου 2010

Αναγνώριση των Βλάχων στην Αλβανία ως Ρουμάνους ζήτησε ο πρόεδρος της Ρουμανίας




Ιούνιος 2010

Την αναγνώριση των Βλάχων της Αλβανίας ως ρουμάνικη εθνική μειονότητα ζήτησε χθες ο πρόεδρος της Ρουμανίας κατά την διάρκεια επίσημης επίσκεψης στα Τίρανα. Ο Ρουμάνος πρόεδρος, Τραϊάν Μπασέσκου, κατά την συνάντησή του με τον Αλβανό ομόλογό του, Μπαμίρ Τόπι, υποστήριξε ότι οι Βλάχοι θα πρέπει να απολαμβάνουν όλα τα δικαιώματα που απολαμβάνει η "αντίστοιχη" αλβανική μειονότητα στην Ρουμανία.

Ο Τόπι από την πλευρά του επικαλέστηκε τις καταγραφές του συμβουλίου της Ευρώπης που αναγνωρίζουν τους βλάχους ως ανεξάρτητη εθνο-γλωσσική κοινότητα.
Ο Μπασέσκου, επανέλαβε την αμετάβλητη στάση της χώρας του για μη αναγνώριση του Κοσόβου.
Κατά την ολοκλήρωση της επίσκεψης του Μπασέσκου στα Τίρανα, υπογράφηκε «μνημόνιο κατανόησης στους τομείς των επικοινωνιών και της τεχνολογίας της πληροφορικής» καθώς και «πρωτόκολλο συνεργασίας μεταξύ λιμένων».

Πέμπτη 10 Ιουνίου 2010

Erdogan and the Israel Card

THE WALL STREET JOURNAL
Άρθρο στο Γουόλ Στρήτ Τζέρναλ
Η Αμερικάνικη δημοσιογραφία "ανακαλύπτει" το πόσο άτακτο παιδί είναι τέλος πάντων αυτή η Τουρκία...το πόσο οι Τούρκοι μισούν τις ΗΠΑ, τους Χριστιανούς, το Ισραήλ, τους Εβραίους, δεπραξαν γενοκτονία εναντίον των Αρμενίων, σφάζουν τουε κούρδους, ακόμη ακόμη και το οτι στην Κύπρο ο Τούρκικος στρατός είναι "κατακτητής"!...τρελά πράγματα δηλαδή, από την εφημερίδα που μέχρι προχθές δεν άφηνε μύγα να καθήσει στο σπαθί, συγγνώμην την χατζάρα, της φίλης και συμμάχου Τουρκίας!
Μου θυμίζει μέρες δαιμονοποίησης του πάλαι ποτέ φίλου και συμμάχου των ΗΠΑ (εναντίον των Αγιατολλάδων του Ιράν στον Ιρανο-Ιρακινό πόλεμο) Σαντάμ Χουσεϊν. Αρκεί ο Ερντογάν να κρατήσει ψηλά το Οσμανλίδικο φλάμπουρο...κοσμογονικές αλλαγές προβλέπονται στο Μεσανατολίτικο αλλά και Ελληνο-Τουρκικό σκηνικό, με πρώτες αλλαγές στα του Κυπριακού! Ίδωμεν!

JUNE 10, 2010
OPINION

Last year the Turkish prime minister called Shimon Peres a killer at Davos. He returned home to a hero's welcome

By STEVEN J. ROSEN

The deaths of nine Turkish citizens in the Gaza flotilla incident would have brought a severe reaction under any circumstances. What is nonetheless striking in this incident is the unbridled anger and fiercely hostile reaction of Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan and the Turkish public. Mr. Erdogan said Israel was guilty of "state terrorism" and a "bloody massacre." His foreign minister, Ahmet Davutoglu, said "This attack is like 9/11 for Turkey," comparing it to a premeditated act of aggression that took 2,900 lives.

Mr. Erdogan does not always display such reactions to allegations of human rights violations. Last year, he defended Sudanese President Omar al-Bashir, indicted by the International Criminal Court for killing half a million Sudanese Christians and non-Arab Muslims. In March 2010, he denied that Turks ever killed Armenian civilians. He labeled a U.S. congressional resolution on the Armenian deaths "a comedy, a parody." He said that the Turkish military garrison stationed in Cyprus since 1974 is "not an occupier" but "[ensures] the peace." On tens of thousands of Kurds killed by Turkish security forces from 1984 to 1999, he says nothing.

Could it be that there is something more to Mr. Erdogan's rage against Israel than just a spontaneous reaction to the loss of life here?

Turkish elections, 13 months away, hold the answer. Backing for Mr. Erdogan's party has fallen to 29%, the lowest level since it won power in 2002 and far below the 47% it scored in July 2007. So Mr. Erdogan decided to play the Israel Card.

He tested this tactic in January 2009, in a confrontation with Israeli President Shimon Peres at Davos. Mr. Peres asked him in front of the cameras: "What would you do if you were to have in Istanbul every night a hundred rockets?" Mr. Erdogan shot back, "When it comes to killing you know very well how to kill." Thousands of Turks applauded Mr. Erdogan's performance, greeting him with a hero's welcome and a sea of Turkish and Palestinian flags upon his return home to Ataturk Airport.

Mr. Erdogan's anger at the Israeli blockade is even more popular among his countrymen. In fact, 61% of Turks surveyed in one poll did not find his rage sufficient. "The public is in such a state that they almost want war against Israel," the pollster commented. "I think this is widespread in almost all levels of society." Mr. Erdogan has become a hero in the Muslim world, where he is seen as the "new Nasser," in the words of one Saudi writer.

The truth is that friendship toward Israel was always limited to the Turkish secular elites, including the military chiefs. Turkey is fertile ground for Mr. Erdogan's demagoguery because many ordinary people are raised to dislike Israel and—dare it be said—Jews. In April 2010, the BBC World Service Poll found negative views of Israel among 77% of Turks.

Jews as a people fare no better than the Jewish state. In the 2009 Pew Global Attitudes survey, 73% of Turks rated their opinions of Jews as "negative." Meanwhile, 68% of Turks rated their opinions of Christians as "negative."

Turks don't like the United States much more than they do Israel. The same BBC poll found negative views of the U.S. among 70% of Turks, one of only two countries where perceptions of the United States actually worsened after the election of Barack Obama (positives fell to 13% from 21%, and negatives increased to 70% from 63%).

Nor is it the case that anti-Americanism in Turkey is primarily a response to U.S. support for Israel. Many Turkish citizens view the U.S. as anti-Muslim and see the war on terror as an anti-Muslim crusade across the Middle East. Turks resent the rich "imperialist" superpower and believe that the U.S. invaded Iraq for oil.

Islamists and the Turkish left suspect that the U.S. and NATO propped up a succession of Turkish governments backed by the military. Others believe that the U.S. supports the Iraqi Kurds and may plan to create a Kurdish state in Iraq. And most remain convinced that members of the U.S. Congress who vote for Turkish genocide resolutions do so under the influence of Armenian-Americans, who are more numerous than Americans of Turkish origin.

Anti-American feelings in Turkey exist independently of anti-Zionism and anti-Semitism, but these three phenomena are mutually reinforcing and convergent. More disturbingly, parallels to these trends pervade much of the Muslim world. What the flotilla incident demonstrates is that igniting this tinderbox of hostility toward Israel, Jews and America does not take much of a spark.

Mr. Rosen is the director of the Washington Project of the Middle East Forum.