tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-74203990303658858472024-03-13T13:08:02.535-07:00Ελληνικά Θέματα Hellenic Issues Греческая дела Affaires HelléniquesΖΗΤΗΜΑΤΑ ΠΟΛΙΤΙΚΗΣ & ΠΟΛΙΤΙΣΜΟΥM. Η. Μ.http://www.blogger.com/profile/14367284148351582033noreply@blogger.comBlogger2809125tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-7420399030365885847.post-84621996057692437772015-11-16T20:05:00.001-08:002015-11-16T20:05:29.260-08:00Συνέντευξη Μάρκου Μπόλαρη στην εκπομπή «Ρωγμή Φωτός»<iframe allowfullscreen="" frameborder="0" height="344" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/g67tmN2L3kM" width="459"></iframe>M. Η. Μ.http://www.blogger.com/profile/14367284148351582033noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-7420399030365885847.post-4431063818435575022015-07-28T20:28:00.004-07:002015-07-28T20:28:58.864-07:00Δημοψήφισμα με λάθος ερώτημα!<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white; font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">Άραγε τι θα αισθάνονταν οι αρχαίοι Έλληνες, τους οποίους τόσο συχνά επικαλούμαστε όταν θέλουμε να αισθανόμαστε περήφανοι, αν αντίκρυζαν την σημερινή Ελλάδα;</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white; font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">Του Γιάννη Παπαμαστοράκη *</span></span></div>
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<a href="http://www.cretalive.gr/?ACT=29&f=papamastorakis.jpg&fid=5&d=196736" imageanchor="1" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" height="320" src="http://www.cretalive.gr/?ACT=29&f=papamastorakis.jpg&fid=5&d=196736" width="263" /></a><span style="background-color: #660000; color: white; font-family: Georgia, 'Times New Roman', serif;">Όταν την 27η παρελθόντος Φεβρουαρίου η Ελληνική Κυβέρνηση δια χειρός του Υπουργού Οικονομικών συνυπέγραφε την παράταση μέχρι 30 Ιουνίου της «Κύριας Σύμβασης Χρηματοδοτικής Διευκόλυνσης» (δηλ. του Μνημονίου), καθίστατο προφανές ότι δεσμευόταν για μια σειρά από μέτρα που θα επιβάρυναν την Ελληνική κοινωνία, είτε μέσω πρόσθετης φορολογίας είτε μέσω μείωσης των κρατικών δαπανών ή συνδυασμό τους. Τους 4 μήνες που ακολούθησαν οι συζητήσεις-διαπραγματεύσεις με τους Ευρωπαίους και το ΔΝΤ περιστρέφονταν καταρχήν γύρω από το πως θα είναι ακριβώς διαμορφωμένο το μείγμα αυτών των μέτρων. Δυστυχώς όμως ο όλος προσανατολισμός τόσο σε Ευρωπαϊκό όσο και σε εθνικό επίπεδο παρέμεινε αποκλειστικά εστιασμένος στο θέμα της άμεσης όσο και (από πλευράς Ελληνικής Κυβέρνησης) της μελλοντικής εξυπηρέτησης του χρέους. Θεωρώ ότι χάθηκε πάρα πολύς πολύτιμος χρόνος στη διάρκεια του οποίου, ΠΑΡΑΛΛΗΛΑ με την όποια διαπραγμάτευση για το χρέος, θα έπρεπε να σχεδιασθούν και υλοποιηθούν δράσεις για την πραγματική αναδιάρθρωση της λειτουργίας του κράτους και της οικονομίας, ώστε να τεθούν οι βάσεις για μια υγιή και βιώσιμη ανάπτυξη της Ελλάδος. Με στόχο την ευημερία της σημερινής και των μελλοντικών γενεών.</span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white; font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">Ανάμεσα σε αυτά που κατά τη γνώμη μου με προτεραιότητα θα έπρεπε να είχαν γίνει στους 5 μήνες που πέρασαν από τον σχηματισμό της παρούσας κυβέρνησης, θέλω να αναφέρω δυο παραδείγματα που νομίζω ότι και όλους αφορούν και εύκολα κατανοητά είναι.</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white; font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">Α) Το σύστημα απονομής της Δικαιοσύνης και οι επιπτώσεις του στην οικονομία. Ο μέσος όρος διάρκειας μιας δίκης π. χ. στα Διοικητικά Δικαστήρια είναι 1500 ημέρες (που καθιστά την Ελλάδα από τους ουραγούς ανάμεσα στις χώρες του ΟΟΣΑ). Πόσο εύκολα λοιπόν υπό τέτοιες συνθήκες απονομής δικαιοσύνης μπορεί να πεισθεί κάποιος σοβαρός επιχειρηματίας να επιλέξει την Ελλάδα (και όχι μια οποιαδήποτε άλλη χώρα) για να κάνει μια ουσιαστική επένδυση με μακροχρόνιο χαρακτήρα, πολώ μάλλον σε συνδυασμό με το απίστευτα γραφειοκρατικό, αποτρεπτικό περιβάλλον ενός κράτους που με χιλιάδες ρυθμίσεις και ρυθμίσεις επί των ρυθμίσεων καθιστά κάθε σοβαρό επιχειρηματία να αισθάνεται ότι βρίσκεται συνεχώς πάνω σε κινούμενη άμμο, έρμαιος της διαφθοράς που προάγει η ασάφεια των νόμων και η πολυνομία. Πως υπό τέτοιες συνθήκες θα μπορέσουν να δημιουργηθούν θέσεις εργασίας σε παραγωγικούς δυναμικούς κλάδους νέων τεχνολογιών που θα ανοίξουν διαφορετικές προοπτικές για την οικονομία της χώρας, δίπλα στους παραδοσιακούς κλάδους του τουρισμού και της γεωργίας και θα ανακόψουν τη φυγή των λαμπρότερων νέων επιστημόνων μας? Δεν θα έπρεπε να είναι πρώτο μέλημα μιας οποιασδήποτε Ελληνικής Κυβέρνησης να δρομολογήσει αμέσως μετά τον σχηματισμό της όλες τις απαραίτητες ενέργειες ώστε να ανοίξει ο δρόμος στις αλλαγές που είναι αναγκαίες για τον εκσυγχρονισμό των νόμων και των υπηρεσιών. Π. χ. όσο αφορά τον εκσυγχρονισμό των δικαστηρίων η Δανία και η Ολλανδία πρόσφατα με την εφαρμογή πληροφοριακών συστημάτων στα δικαστήρια απλοποίησαν τις διαδικασίες και μείωσαν σημαντικά τον χρόνο τελεσιδικίας των υποθέσεων. Δεν θα μπορούσε να είχε σταλεί μια αντιπροσωπεία από ανώτατους δικαστικούς και Διευθυντές Ινστιτούτων Πληροφορικής στην Δανία και την Ολλανδία, να ενημερωθούν και να προτείνουν απαραίτητες άμεσες δράσεις εκσυγχρονισμού λειτουργίας των δικαστηρίων μας βασισμένες στις σύγχρονες τεχνολογίες? Όπου με την χωρίς καθυστέρηση εφαρμογή τους θα έβρισκαν και απασχόληση πολλές εκατοντάδες πτυχιούχοι πληροφορικής. Άλλωστε το νέο ΕΣΠΑ έχει ως βασικό στόχο την Έξυπνη Εξειδίκευση κάτι που θα ταίριαζε απόλυτα και θα εξασφάλιζε άμεση χρηματοδότηση. Και όμως όπως φαίνεται κανείς δεν ενδιαφέρθηκε να κάνει μια ουσιαστική κίνηση σε μια τέτοια κατεύθυνση. Κρίμα, έτσι πήγαν άλλοι 5 μήνες χαμένοι.</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white; font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">Β) Παιδεία – Το Μεγάλο Παράδοξο. Η Ελλάδα έχει τον μικρότερο αριθμό μαθητών ανά τάξη σε σύγκριση με όλες σχεδόν τις χώρες του ΟΟΣΑ, μικρότερο από την Φιλανδία και τη Γερμανία. Έχει επιπλέον μια από τις ευνοϊκότερες αναλογίες αριθμού μαθητών ανά δάσκαλο ή καθηγητή ( π. χ στο Λύκειο στην Ελλάδα αναλογούν 7,3 μαθητές ανά καθηγητή, σε σχέση με 12,5 που είναι ο μέσος όρος των κρατών μελών του ΟΟΣΑ ). Ταυτόχρονα όμως σε ΚΑΝΕΝΑ άλλο κράτος της Ευρώπης δεν ανθούν τόσο τα Φροντιστήρια και δεν υποβάλλονται οι γονείς σε τόσο υψηλές προσωπικές δαπάνες, κυρίως στο στάδιο της δευτεροβάθμιας εκπαίδευσης, όπως στην Ελλάδα, για την οποία ακούμε συνεχώς ότι διαθέτει ένα σύστημα ΔΗΜΟΣΙΑΣ και (δήθεν) ΔΩΡΕΑΝ Παιδείας. Διερωτάται κανείς πως γίνεται να υπάρχει αυτή η αναντιστοιχία. Μήπως μελέτησε ποτέ ένας δημόσιος φορέας αυτό το τόσο ζωτικό θέμα σε βάθος? Αν όχι, με βάση ποια μελέτη εν τέλει καταρτίζονται οι προς ψήφιση νόμοι για το εκπαιδευτικό μας σύστημα. Το ερώτημα παραμένει αναπάντητο. Έτσι έχουμε ένα σύστημα (;) εκπαίδευσης που συνοδεύεται, πέραν της οικονομικής επιβάρυνσης των γονέων, από ΤΡΙΠΛΗ επιβάρυνση των παιδιών: Σχολείο- Φροντιστήρια-Ιδιαίτερα, που στο τέλος αναγκαστικά οδηγεί στην υπερκόπωση του μυαλού τους και στη μονόπλευρη αποστήθιση, αντί της δημιουργικής και κριτικής σκέψης. Ένα διαρκές έγκλημα που συντελείται στα παιδιά της Ελλάδος! Και μάλιστα στην καλύτερη και πιο αποδοτική για μάθηση ηλικία. Γιατί αλήθεια αρνούμαστε να διδαχθούμε από χώρες με αποδεδειγμένα επιτυχημένο εκπαιδευτικό σύστημα όπως η Φιλανδία? Το 1990 με την κατάρρευση της Σοβιετικής Ένωσης οι παραδοσιακές αγορές της Φιλανδίας χάθηκαν, η ανεργία ανέβηκε στο 18,5% η οικονομία εισήλθε σε μεγάλη ύφεση με πτώση του ΑΕΠ κατά 13%. Μας θυμίζουν κάτι όλα αυτά;</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white; font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">Τότε όμως η Φιλανδία πήρε τη μεγάλη απόφαση (με τη μέγιστη δυνατή συναίνεση του κοινοβουλίου της) να γυρίσει σελίδα και από κυρίως αγροτική χώρα να γίνει χώρα που βασίζεται στην επιστήμη την τεχνολογία και την καινοτομία. Πέτυχε να δημιουργήσει το ίσως καλύτερο εκπαιδευτικό σύστημα στον κόσμο, μέσα σε σύντομο χρονικό διάστημα. Που βασίζεται σε ΠΡΑΓΜΑΤΙΚΗ (και όχι κατ’ ευφημισμό) ΔΗΜΟΣΙΑ ΚΑΙ ΔΩΡΕΑΝ ΠΑΙΔΕΙΑ. Σήμερα η Φιλανδία βρίσκεται στη πρώτη θέση σε όλο τον κόσμο όσον αφορά τις επιδόσεις των μαθητών της. Και η υψηλή τεχνολογία αποτελεί πλέον ένα από τους πυλώνες της φιλανδικής οικονομίας. Και η Ελλάδα… δυστυχώς η Ελλάδα έχει πέσει στην 42η θέση της κατάταξης στις επιδόσεις των μαθητών της .</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white; font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">Δεν θα ήταν λογικό με πρωτοβουλία της Ελληνικής Κυβέρνησης να είχε επισκεφθεί μια διακομματική επιτροπή του ελληνικού κοινοβουλίου συνοδευόμενη από εκπροσώπους όλων των βαθμίδων της εκπαίδευσης την Φινλανδία και να πληροφορηθούν εκεί πως πέτυχαν να βγουν από τη κρίση, βάζοντας και τα θεμέλια για μια διαρκή βιώσιμη ανάπτυξη που δεν αφήνει τα καλύτερα μυαλά να ξενιτευτούν. Δεν θα έπρεπε να ήταν αυτό το πρώτο μέλημα μιας υπεύθυνης κυβέρνησης;</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white; font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">Αντίστοιχο με την Φιλανδία είναι το παράδειγμα του Ισραήλ, που την δεκαετία του 1980 πήρε και αυτό την απόφαση να στηρίξει μεγάλο μέρος της μελλοντικής οικονομικής του ευημερίας στη δημιουργία νεόφυτων επιχειρήσεων που θα βασίζονται στην επιστήμη και την καινοτομία. Με τη συμμετοχή των πανεπιστημίων του το πέτυχε. Σήμερα το Ισραήλ εξάγει ετησίως προϊόντα υψηλής τεχνολογίας αξίας 40 Δις Ευρώ! Για να φθάσουν σε αυτά τα εντυπωσιακά αποτελέσματα Φιλανδία και Ισραήλ δαπανούν ετησίως 4% του ΑΕΠ στην έρευνα και την καινοτομία. Και η Ελλάδα, τι κάνει η Ελλάδα? Διαχρονικά, ανεξαρτήτως κρίσης, δαπανά για έρευνα και καινοτομία ένα από τα χαμηλότερα ποσοστά του ΑΕΠ στην Ευρώπη, μόλις το 0,6%!</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white; font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">Άραγε τι θα αισθάνονταν οι αρχαίοι Έλληνες, τους οποίους τόσο συχνά επικαλούμαστε όταν θέλουμε να αισθανόμαστε περήφανοι, αν αντίκρυζαν την σημερινή Ελλάδα. Ασφαλώς χαρά που η Ελλάδα μετά από 2500 χρόνια εξακολουθεί να υπάρχει. Σίγουρα θαυμασμό γιατί έχουμε διατηρήσει τη γλώσσα και τα ιδανικά τους. Όμως ίσως απογοήτευση γατί η χώρα που γέννησε και ανέδειξε την επιστήμη δεν την αξιοποιεί στο μέγιστο για να χτίσει το μέλλον των παιδιών της.</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white; font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">Μήπως γιατί η Ελλάδα δεν διαθέτει αξιόλογους επιστήμονες και ιδρύματα? Ακριβώς το ΑΝΤΙΘΕΤΟ συμβαίνει. 3% των πλέον αναγνωρισμένων ανά των κόσμο επιστημόνων-ερευνητών είναι ελληνικής καταγωγής, παρόλο που ο Ελληνισμός αποτελεί λιγότερο από 0,2% του πληθυσμού της Γης!!! Αυτοί είναι και οι καλύτεροι πρεσβευτές της Ελλάδας, αυτοί αποτελούν την πραγματική (και όχι μόνο συνθηματολογική!) καθημερινή ζωντανή ΠΕΡΗΦΑΝΕΙΑ της Ελλάδας και του Ελληνισμού! Ένα ασύλληπτο πλεονέκτημα για τη χώρα μας που παραμένει ….. στα αζήτητα όπως φυσικά και τα καλύτερα της ιδρύματα όπως το ΙΤΕ.</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white; font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">Όταν 21 Νομπελίστες σε μια πρωτοφανή κίνηση - υπόμνημα προς τους Ευρωπαϊκούς θεσμούς εξέφρασαν την Άνοιξη του 2012 την πλήρη εμπιστοσύνη τους στους Έλληνες επιστήμονες και στα Ελληνικά ερευνητικά ιδρύματα και ζήτησαν την υποστήριξη τους, η πολιτεία το άφησε ανεκμετάλλευτο. Θα μπορούσαν ακόμα και στις διαπραγματεύσεις με τους Θεσμούς να το χρησιμοποιήσουν για να δείξουν το δρόμο που είναι σε θέση και πρέπει να ακολουθήσει η Ελλάδα. Στον σημερινό, σύγχρονο κόσμο όπου η Επιστήμη, η Έρευνα, η Τεχνολογία, η Καινοτομία είναι εκείνες που κρίνουν το οικονομικό μέλλον και την ευημερία μιας χώρας.</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white; font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">Μήπως λοιπόν αν γινόταν ένα Δημοψήφισμα θα έπρεπε να θέσει στην Ελληνική Κοινωνία ένα εντελώς διαφορετικό αλλά πραγματικά ουσιαστικό ερώτημα:</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white; font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">ΘΕΛΕΤΕ ΜΙΑ ΕΛΛΑΔΑ ΜΕ ΠΡΟΟΠΤΙΚΗ ΕΥΗΜΕΡΙΑΣ ΠΟΥ ΘΑ ΣΤΗΡΙΖΕΤΑΙ ΣΤΟ ΑΣΤΕΙΡΕΥΤΟ ΑΝΘΡΩΠΙΝΟ ΔΥΝΑΜΙΚΟ ΤΟΥ ΕΛΛΗΝΙΣΜΟΥ;</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white; font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">Νομίζω ότι τότε οι ¨Έλληνες ενωμένοι θα έδιναν τη σωστή απάντηση και θα άνοιγαν μια νέα δημιουργική σελίδα για την πατρίδα μας.</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white; font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">* Ο Γιάννης Παπαμαστοράκης είναι Ομότιμος Καθηγητής του Τμήματος Φυσικής Πανεπιστημίου Κρήτης</span></span></div>
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M. Η. Μ.http://www.blogger.com/profile/14367284148351582033noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-7420399030365885847.post-76764596037798670312015-07-14T04:59:00.000-07:002015-07-14T05:07:03.401-07:00An Empire Strikes Back: Germany and the Greek Crisis<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<span style="background-color: #660000; color: white;">STRATFOR <a href="https://www.stratfor.com/geopolitical-weekly" style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; font-weight: bold; outline: none; text-decoration: none;">Geopolitical Weekly</a> <time class="pattern__node-date pattern__node-meta" datetime="2015-07-14T08:00:19+00:00" itemprop="datePublished" style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; border-right-color: rgb(221, 221, 221); border-right-style: solid; border-right-width: 0.08334rem; display: inline-block; margin: 0.83333rem 0.41667rem 0px 0px; outline: none; padding: 0px 0.41667rem 0px 0px; text-transform: uppercase;">JULY 14, 2015 | 08:00 GMT</time></span></h3>
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<span style="clear: left; color: white; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" src="http://www.worldmeets.us/images/germany.merkel.dominatrix_guardian.jpg" height="490" width="640" /></span></div>
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<strong style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; outline: none;"><span style="background-color: #660000; color: white;">By <a href="https://www.stratfor.com/about/analysts/dr-george-friedman" style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; color: #0e357b; outline: none; text-decoration: none;">George Friedman</a></span></strong><br />
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<span style="background-color: #660000; color: white;">A desperate battle was fought last week. It pitted Germany and Greece against each other. Each country had everything at stake. Based on the deal that was agreed to, Germany forced a Greek capitulation. But it is far from clear that Greece can allow the agreement reached to be implemented, or that it has the national political will to do so. It is also not clear what its options are, especially given that the Greek people had backed Germany into a corner, where its only choice was to risk everything. It was not a good place for Greece to put the Germans. They struck back with vengeance.</span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white;">The key event was the Greek referendum on the European Union's demand for further austerity in exchange for infusions of cash to save the Greek banking system. The Syriza party had called the vote to strengthen its hand in dealing with the European demands. The Greek government's view was that the European terms would save Greece from immediate disaster but at the cost of impoverishing the country in the long term. The austerity measures demanded would, in their view, make any sort of recovery impossible. Facing a choice between a short-term catastrophe in the banking system and long-term misery, the Greeks saw themselves in an impossible position.</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white;">In chess, <a href="https://www.stratfor.com/analysis/explaining-greeces-financial-disarray" style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; color: #0e357b; outline: none; text-decoration: none;">when your position is hopeless</a>, one solution is to knock over the chessboard. That is what the Greeks tried to do with the referendum. If the vote was lost, then the government could capitulate to German demands and claim it was the will of the people. But if the vote went the way it did, the Greek leaders could go to the European Union and argue that broad relaxation of austerity was not merely the position of the government, but also the sovereign will of the Greek people.</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white;">The European Union is founded on the dual principles of an irrevocable community of nations that have joined together but have retained their national sovereignty. The Greeks were demonstrating the national will, which the government thought would create a new chess game. Instead, the Germans chose to directly demand a cession of a significant portion of Greece's sovereignty by creating a cadre of European bureaucrats who would oversee the implementation of the agreement and take control of Greek national assets for sale to raise money. The specifics are less important than the fact that Greece invoked its sovereign right, and Germany responded by enforcing an agreement that compelled the Greeks to cede those rights.</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000; color: white; font-size: small;">Germany's Motivations</span></h3>
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<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white;">I've discussed the German fear extensively. Germany is a massive exporting power that depends on the <a href="https://www.stratfor.com/weekly/grexit-issue-and-problem-free-trade" style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; color: #0e357b; outline: none; text-decoration: none;">European free trade zone</a> to purchase a substantial part of its output. The Germans had a record positive balance of trade last month, of which its trade both in the eurozone as well as in the rest of the European Union was an indispensible part. For Germany, the unraveling of the European Union would directly threaten its national interest. The Greek position — particularly in the face of the Greek vote — could, in the not too distant future, result in that unraveling.</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white;">There were two sides of the Greek position that frightened the Germans. The first was that Athens was trying to use its national sovereignty to compel the European Union to allow Greece to avoid the pain of austerity. This would, in effect, shift the burden of the Greek debt from the Greeks to the European Union, which meant Germany. For the Germans, the bloc was an instrument of economic growth. If Germany accepted the principle that it had to assume responsibility for national financial problems, the European Union — which has more than a few countries with national financial problems — could drain German resources and undermine a core reason for the bloc, at least from the German point of view. If Greece demonstrated it could compel Germany to assume responsibility for the debt in the long term, it is not clear where it would have ended — and that is precisely what the Greek vote intended.</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white;">On the other hand, if the Greeks left the European Union, it would have created a precedent that would in the end shatter the bloc. If the European Union was an elective affinity, in Goethe's words, something you could enter and then leave, then the long-term viability of the bloc was in serious doubt. And there was no reason those doubts couldn't be extended to the free trade zone. If nations could withdraw from the European Union and create trade barriers, then Germany would be living in a world of tariffs, European and other. And that was the nightmare scenario for Germany.</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white;">The vote backed the Germans into a corner, as I said last week. Germany could not accept the Greek demand. It could not risk a Greek exit from the European Union. It could not appear to be frightened by an exit, and it could not be flexible. During the week, the Germans floated the idea of a temporary Greek exit from the euro. Greece owes a huge debt and needs to build its economy. What all this has to do with being in the euro or using the drachma is not clear. It is certainly not clear how it would have helped Europe or solved the immediate banking problem. The Greeks are broke, and don't have the euros to pay back loans or liquefy the banking system. The same would have been true if they left the European Union. Suggesting a temporary Grexit was a fairly meaningless act — a bravura performance by the Germans. When you desperately fear something in a negotiation, there is no better strategy than to demand that it happen.</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000; color: white; font-size: small;">The Resurrection of German Primacy</span></h3>
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<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white;">I have deliberately used Germany rather than the European Union as the negotiating partner with the Greeks. The Germans have long been visible as the controlling entity of the European Union. This time, they made no bones about it. Nor did they make any bones about their ferocity. In effect they raised the banner of German primacy, German national interest, and German willingness to crush the opposition. The French and the Italians, among others, questioned the German position publicly. In the end, it didn't matter. The Germans consulted with these other governments, but Berlin decided the negotiating position, because in the end it was Germany that would be most exposed by French or Italian moderation. This negotiation was in the context of the European Union, but it was a German negotiation.</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white;">And with this, the Germans did something they never wanted to do: resurrect fairly unambiguously the idea that Germany is the sovereign and dominant nation-state in Europe, and that it has the power and the will to unilaterally impose its will on another nation. Certainly the niceties of votes by finance ministers and prime ministers were adhered to, but it was the Germans who conducted the real negotiations and who imposed their will on Greece.</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white;">Germany's historical position was that it was <a href="https://www.stratfor.com/weekly/seeking-future-europe-ancient-hanseatic-league" style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; color: #0e357b; outline: none; text-decoration: none;">one nation among many</a> in the European Union. One of the prime purposes of European integration was to embed Germany in a multinational European entity so that it could develop economically but not play the role in Europe that it did between 1871 and 1945. The key to this was making certain that Germany and France were completely aligned. The fear was that German economic growth would create a unilateral German political power, and the assumption was that a multilateral organization in which France and Germany were intimately bound together would enable German growth without risking German unilateral power.</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white;">No one wanted this solution to work more than the Germans, and many of Germany's maneuvers were to save the multilateral entity. But in making these moves, Germany crossed two lines. The lesser line was that France and Germany were not linked on dealing with Greece, though they were not so far apart as to be even close to a breach. The second, and more serious, line was that the final negotiation was an exercise of unilateral German power. Several nations supported the German position from the beginning — particularly the Eastern European nations that, in addition to <a href="https://www.stratfor.com/weekly/greek-vote-and-eu-miscalculation" style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; color: #0e357b; outline: none; text-decoration: none;">opposing Greece</a> soaking up European money, do not trust Greece's relationship with Russia. Germany had allies. But it also had major powers as opponents, and these were brushed aside. </span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white;">These powerful opponents were brushed aside particularly on two issues. One was any temporary infusion of cash into Greek banks. The other was the German demand, in a more extreme way than ever before, that the Greeks cede fundamental sovereignty over their national economy and, in effect, over Greece itself. Germany demanded that Greece place itself under the supervision of a foreign EU monitoring force that, as Germany demonstrated in these negotiations, ultimately would be under German control.</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white;">The Germans did not want to do this, but what a nation wants to do and what it will do are two different things. What Germany wanted was Greek submission to greater austerity in return for support for its banking system. It was not the government's position that troubled Germany the most, but the Greek referendum. If Germany forced the Greek government to capitulate, it was a conventional international negotiation. If it forced the government to capitulate in the face of the electoral mandate of the Greek public, it was in many ways an attack on national sovereignty, forcing a settlement not in opposition to the government but a direct confrontation with the electorate. The Germans could not accommodate the vote. They had to respond by demanding concessions on Greek sovereignty.</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white;">This is not over, of course. It is now up to the Greek government to implement its agreements, and it does so in the face of the Greek referendum. The situation in Greece is desperate because of the condition of the banking system. It was the pressure point that the Germans used to force Greek capitulation. But Greece is now facing not only austerity, but also foreign governance. The Germans' position is they do not trust the Greeks. They do not mean the government now, but the Greek electorate. Therefore, they want monitoring and controls. This is reasonable from the German point of view, but it will be explosive to the Greeks.</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000; color: white; font-size: small;">The Potential for Continental Unease</span></h3>
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<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white;">In World War II, the Germans occupied Greece. As in much of the rest of Europe, the memory of that occupation is now in the country's DNA. This will be seen as the return of German occupation, and opponents of the deal will certainly use that argument. The manner in which the deal was made and extended by the Germans to provide outside control will resurrect historical memories of German occupation. It has already started. The aggressive inflexibility of the Germans can be understood as an attitude motivated by German fears, but then Germany has always been a frightened country responding with bravado and self-confidence.</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white;">The point of the matter is not going away, and not only because the Greek response is unpredictable; poverty versus sovereignty is a heady issue, especially when the Greeks will both remain poor and <a href="https://www.stratfor.com/weekly/european-union-nationalism-and-crisis-europe" style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; color: #0e357b; outline: none; text-decoration: none;">lose some sovereignty</a>. The Germans made an example of Cyprus and now Greece. The leading power of Europe will not underwrite defaulting debtors. It will demand political submission for what help is given. This is not a message that will be lost in Europe, whatever the anti-Greek feeling is now.</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white;">This is as far from what Germany wanted as can be imagined. But Greece could not live with German demands, and Germany could not live with Greek demands. In the end, the banking crisis gave Germany an irresistible tool. Now the circumstances demand that the Greeks accept austerity and transfer key elements of sovereignty to institutions under the control or heavy influence of the Germans.</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white;">What else could Germany do? What else could Greece do? The tragedy of geopolitical reality is that what will happen has little to do with what statesmen wanted when they started out.</span></span></div>
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M. Η. Μ.http://www.blogger.com/profile/14367284148351582033noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-7420399030365885847.post-61859051954610592612015-07-05T20:25:00.001-07:002015-07-05T21:17:15.630-07:00Ο τρίτος κρίκος του ΟΧΙ<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<span data-offset-key="6noll-0-0" data-reactid=".a9.1.0.1.0.0.$editor4.0.0.$6noll.0:$6noll-0-0">Ακούσαμε το θριαμβευτικό διάγγελμα του Μιχαλολιάκου: Η Ναζιστική προπαγάνδα στα επάνω της! Η επιπολαιότητα της κυβέρνησης Σύριζα ανοίγει με την ανικσνότητά των μαθητευόμενων μάγων της τον δρόμο στην εγκληματική άκρα δεξιά. Οι Ναζί συνοδοιπόροι του κυβερνητικού μπάχαλου παίρνουν τα επιχειρήματα των κυβερνητικών περί κακών ξένων και υπερήφανης Ελλαδικής μαγκιάς και προχωρούν ένα βήμα παραπέρα στην ακατάσχετη δπλέον ημαγωγία. Συμφωνεί με τα μέτρα του Σύριζα που μας έφεραν στο χάος, αλλά διαφωνεί υποκριτικά με τα αποτελέσματα των μέτρων. Συμφωνεί με την δημιουργία του χάους, αφού ο λύκος στην μαντάρα χαίρεται, αλλά την κατακεραυνώνει γιά </span>την κατάντια του λαού στις γραμμές των ΑΤΜ....η Γκαιμπελική προπαγάνδα στο απόγειό της. </div>
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<span data-offset-key="en252-0-0" data-reactid=".a9.1.0.1.0.0.$editor4.0.0.$en252.0:$en252-0-0">Ο Μιχαλολιάκος δεν είναι κάποιο τυχαίο ή αμελητέο φαιδρό νούμερο σαν τον φτηνό δημαγωγό Καμμένο. Ουτε ασπόνδυλο μαλάκιο σαν τον Σαμαρά. Όταν οι ψηφοφόροι του ΟΧΙ αρχίσουν σε λίγες μέρες απελπισμένοι με το χάος να ψάχνονται, δεν πρόκειται να πάνε πίσω στα πολιτικα πτώματα της διαφθοράς, ούτε θα ομφαλοσκοπήσουν με τις ευθύνες τους και φυσικά δεν θα γίνουν κοψοχέρηδες για το ΟΧΙ. Απλά θα ψάξουν για κάποιον που να εκφράζει τον θυμό και την οργή τους. </span></div>
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<span data-offset-key="6cld5-0-0" data-reactid=".a9.1.0.1.0.0.$editor4.0.0.$6cld5.0:$6cld5-0-0">Η ευθύνη της μοιραίας ηγετικής ομάδας του Σύριζα είναι τρομαχτικά βαριά και πέρα ακόμη από τις ιστορικές ευθύνες της ςκαταστροφή του τραπεζικού μας συστήματος. Η απελπισία που θα ακολουθήσει το χάος που δημιούργησε η ανικανότητα τους, θα γίνει το πρόσφορο λίπασμα που θα φέρει την εγκληματική συμμορία του Κασιδιάρη και του Μιχαλολιάκου πολύ σύντομα σε ποσοστά που τώρα κατέχει ο Σϋριζα, τό απόκομμα που πάντα έπαιρνε μεταξύ 3.5% και 4.5 % αλλά στις πρόσφατες εκλογές του Γενάρη πήρε 37% και είναι τώρα κυβέρνηση. Χρόνο σίγουρα δεν θα κλείσει, ίσως ούτε και εβδομάδες κάν. Η ζωή όμως συνεχίζεται. Η κατηφόρα θα πιάσει πλέον ρυθμούς κατρακυλίσματος και χιονοστιβάδας και κανένας Μπαρούφάκης δεν θα μπορεί να την ελέγξει πλέον. Μιά άτακτη έξοδος από την Ευρωζώνη θα φέρει αναπόφευκτα και εξοδο από την ΕΕ (με την Βουλγαρία καί αύριο τα Σκόπια και την Αλβανία μέσα). </span></div>
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<span data-offset-key="3qfsv-0-0" data-reactid=".a9.1.0.1.0.0.$editor4.0.0.$3qfsv.0:$3qfsv-0-0">Η κρίση φέρνει στο προσκήνειο συνεχώς νέες δυνάμεις καταβαραθρώνοντας τις παλιές, και τις καταποντίζει και αυτές με την ίδα ευκολία που τις ανέβασε. Με μιά Ελλάδα απομονωμένη οικτρά από παντού και χωρίς την προστατευτική αιγίδα γιά το δημοκρατικό πολίτευμα που προσφέρουν οι θεσμοί της ΕΕ, μιά πιθανή εκλογική νίκη (δεν χρειάζεται κάν πλειοψηφία, ούτε ο Χίτλερ απέκτησε ποτέ την απόλυτη πλειοψηφία, ακόμη και στις εκλογές του 1934 που οργάνωσε ο ίδιος) της Ναζιστικής συμμορίας θα φέρει την Ελλάδα στα πρόθυρα μιάς νέας τραγωδίας ανάλογης του 1922. Τα κατευθυνόμενο 70% του ΟΧΙ της Θράκης με τον Τούρκο υπουργό ΠΕΧΩΔΕ να κάνει καμπάνια στην Ελληνική επικράτεια υπέρ του ΟΧΙ δεν ίδρωσε το αυτί κανενός, είναι όμως προάγγελος του τι σχεδιάζει η άσπονδη γείτων χώρα και το πολιτικοστρατιωτικό της κατεστημέντο. Με μιά Ελλάδα που ούτε περέλαιο για τον στρατό της δεν διαθέτει, και χωρίς νόμισμα να αγοράσει καινούριο, χωρίς οικονομία, απομονωμένη και με τους φυσικούς της συμμάχους της εξοργισμένους από τις καθημερινές προσβολές των θλιβερών μινίων που παριστάνουν την Ελληνική κυβερνώσα ελίτ, η πορεία της χώρας βαίνει προς το απόλυτο και ανεξέλεγκτο ίσως δράμα. </span><br />
<span data-offset-key="3qfsv-0-0" data-reactid=".a9.1.0.1.0.0.$editor4.0.0.$3qfsv.0:$3qfsv-0-0">Τα διάφορα υπερφίαλα περί έκφρασης της δημοκρατικής θέλησης του κυρίαρχου Ελληνικού λαού θα ηχούν σαν κουδουνάκια κοπαδιού που βαίνει προς την σφαγή άν συνεχίσει η σημερινή καταστροφική πορεία και φτάσουμε αργότερα σε εκλογικό θρίαμβο των Χρυσαυγιτών. </span><br />
<span data-offset-key="3qfsv-0-0" data-reactid=".a9.1.0.1.0.0.$editor4.0.0.$3qfsv.0:$3qfsv-0-0">Με τον Ελληνικό λαό στα κάγγελα μετά από λίγες εβδομάδες οικονομικής απραξίας, με τράπεζες κλειστές και την χώρα σε σπιράλ κάθετης πτώσης, όλα τα εκλογικά σενάρια είναι πιθανά. Η Μικρασιατική καταστροφή, άς μην το ξεχνούμε αυτό, ξεκίνησε με μιά καταφανή δημοκρατική επιλογή του Ελληνικού λαού υπέρ της ειρήνης και κατά του πολέμου κατά τις μοιραίες εκλογές του Νοεμβρίου του 1920.</span><br />
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<span data-offset-key="3qfsv-0-0" data-reactid=".a9.1.0.1.0.0.$editor4.0.0.$3qfsv.0:$3qfsv-0-0">Μιλτιάδης Η. Μπ.</span><br />
<span data-offset-key="3qfsv-0-0" data-reactid=".a9.1.0.1.0.0.$editor4.0.0.$3qfsv.0:$3qfsv-0-0">5.7.2015</span><br />
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M. Η. Μ.http://www.blogger.com/profile/14367284148351582033noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-7420399030365885847.post-25034881772535187792015-06-08T09:07:00.002-07:002015-06-08T18:01:03.124-07:00Λίστα ντροπής και πολιτικής απαξίωσης <div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<span style="background-color: black;">ΤΡΑΠΕΖΑ ΤΗΣ ΕΛΛΑΔΟΣ – ΛΙΣΤΑ 174 ΠΟΛΙΤΙΚΩΝ ΠΡΟΣΩΠΩΝ ΠΟΥ ΕΒΓΑΛΑΝ ΛΕΦΤΑ ΕΞΩ.</span></h2>
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<span style="font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-size: small;"><span style="background-color: orange; color: #20124d; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">1. ΑΒΡΑΜΟΠΟΥΛΟΣ ΔΗΜΗΤΡΙΟΣ ΕΥΡΩ 120.333,220 ΕΘΝΙΚΗ</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">2. ΑΘΑΝΑΣΙΑΔΗΣ ΑΛΕΞΑΝΔΡΟΣ ΕΥΡΩ 667.000,000 ΚΥΠΡΟΥ</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">ΑΘΑΝΑΣΙΑΔΗΣ ΑΛΕΞΑΝΔΡΟΣ ΕΥΡΩ 153.000,000 ΣΥΝΕΤΑΙΡΙΣΤΙΚΗ ΚΟΖΑΝΗΣ</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">3. ΑΛΕΥΡΑΣ ΑΘΑΝΑΣΙΟΣ ΕΥΡΩ 180.000,00 ΕΘΝΙΚΗ</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">ΑΛΕΥΡΑΣ ΑΘΑΝΑΣΙΟΣ ΣΥΖΥΓΟΣ ΕΥΡΩ 150.000,000 MARFIN</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">4. ΑΛΙΒΙΖΑΤΟΣ ΠΕΤΡΟΣ – ΠΑΥΛΟΣ ΕΥΡΩ 67.677,420 EUROBANK</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">ΑΛΙΒΙΖΑΤΟΣ ΠΕΤΡΟΣ – ΠΑΥΛΟΣ ΣΥΖΥΓΟΣ ΕΥΡΩ 92.429,200 ALPHA</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">5.ΑΝΑΣΤΑΣΙΑΔΗΣ ΣΑΒΒΑΣ ΕΥΡΩ 151.500,000 ASPIS..</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">6. ΑΝΑΤΟΛΑΚΗΣ ΓΕΩΡΓΙΟΣ ΕΥΡΩ 50.000,000 MILENNIUM.</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">7. ΑΝΔΡΙΑΝΟΣ ΙΩΑΝΝΗΣ ΕΥΡΩ 118.728,130 ΕΘΝΙΚΗ</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">ΑΝΔΡΙΑΝΟΣ ΙΩΑΝΝΗΣ ΕΥΡΩ 112.400,000 ΤΑΜΕΙΟ ΠΑΡ/ΚΩΝ & ΔΑΝΕΙΩΝ ….</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">ΑΝΔΡΙΑΝΟΣ ΙΩΑΝΝΗΣ ΕΥΡΩ 113.286,730 ΤΑΜΕΙΟ ΠΑΡ/ΚΩΝ & ΔΑΝΕΙΩΝ</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">8. ΑΝΤΩΝΑΡΟΣ ΕΥΑΓΓΕΛΟΣ ΕΥΡΩ 174.589,000 DEUTSCHE BANK</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">ΑΝΤΩΝΑΡΟΣ ΕΥΑΓΓΕΛΟΣ ΕΥΡΩ 102.300,000 ΕΘΝΙΚΗ</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">9. ΑΠΟΣΤΟΛΑΚΗ ΕΛΕΝΗ – ΜΑΡΙΑ ΕΥΡΩ 58.899,850 ΕΘΝΙΚΗ</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">10. ΑΠΟΣΤΟΛΑΤΟΣ ΒΑΪΤΣΗΣ (ΒΑΗΣ) ΕΥΡΩ 1.000.000,000 MILENNIUM</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">ΑΠΟΣΤΟΛΑΤΟΣ ΒΑΪΤΣΗΣ (ΒΑΗΣ) ΕΥΡΩ 195.580,000 ΕΘΝΙΚΗ</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">11. ΑΡΒΑΝΙΤΙΔΗΣ ΓΕΩΡΓΙΟΣ ΕΥΡΩ 65.000,000 ΕΘΝΙΚΗ</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">12. ΑΡΓΥΡΗΣ ΕΥΑΓΓΕΛΟΣ ΕΥΡΩ 100.828,000 ΕΘΝΙΚΗ</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">13. ΒΑΓΙΩΝΑΣ ΓΕΩΡΓΙΟΣ ΕΥΡΩ 56.262,770 ΠΕΙΡΑΙΩΣ</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">ΒΑΓΙΩΝΑΣ ΓΕΩΡΓΙΟΣ ΕΥΡΩ 1.462.840,000 ΠΕΙΡΑΙΩΣ</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">ΒΑΓΙΩΝΑΣ ΓΕΩΡΓΙΟΣ ΞΕΝΟ ΝΟΜΙΣΜΑ 2.175.530,010</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">14. ΒΕΛΟΠΟΥΛΟΣ ΚΥΡΙΑΚΟΣ ΕΥΡΩ 145.000,000 ΜΕΤΡΗΤΑ</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: orange; color: #20124d;"><span style="font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">15. ΒΕΝΙΖΕΛΟΣ ΕΥΑΓΓΕΛΟΣ ΕΥΡΩ 130.000,000 EUROBANK</span><span style="font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">ΒΕΝΙΖΕΛΟΣ ΕΥΑΓΓΕΛΟΣ ΕΥΡΩ 500.000,000 EUROBANK</span><span style="font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">ΒΕΝΙΖΕΛΟΣ ΕΥΑΓΓΕΛΟΣ ΕΥΡΩ 454.295,530 MARFIN</span><span style="font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">ΒΕΝΙΖΕΛΟΣ ΕΥΑΓΓΕΛΟΣ ΕΥΡΩ 500.000,000 MARFIN</span><span style="font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">ΒΕΝΙΖΕΛΟΣ ΕΥΑΓΓΕΛΟΣ ΕΥΡΩ 82.836,360 ΕΘΝΙΚΗ</span><span style="font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">ΒΕΝΙΖΕΛΟΣ ΕΥΑΓΓΕΛΟΣ ΣΥΖΥΓΟΣ ΕΥΡΩ 170.000,000 EUROBANK</span><span style="font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">ΒΕΝΙΖΕΛΟΣ ΕΥΑΓΓΕΛΟΣ ΣΥΖΥΓΟΣ ΕΥΡΩ 54.000,000 MARFIN</span><span style="font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">ΒΕΝΙΖΕΛΟΣ ΕΥΑΓΓΕΛΟΣ ΣΥΖΥΓΟΣ ΕΥΡΩ 83.000,000 MARFIN</span><span style="font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">ΒΕΝΙΖΕΛΟΣ ΕΥΑΓΓΕΛΟΣ ΣΥΖΥΓΟΣ ΕΥΡΩ 209.000,000 MARFIN</span><span style="font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">ΒΕΝΙΖΕΛΟΣ ΕΥΑΓΓΕΛΟΣ ΣΥΖΥΓΟΣ ΕΥΡΩ 210.621,030 ΕΘΝΙΚΗ</span><span style="font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">ΒΕΝΙΖΕΛΟΣ ΕΥΑΓΓΕΛΟΣ ΣΥΖΥΓΟΣ ΕΥΡΩ 93.939,460 ΠΕΙΡΑΙΩΣ</span><span style="font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">ΒΕΝΙΖΕΛΟΣ ΕΥΑΓΓΕΛΟΣ ΣΥΖΥΓΟΣ ΕΥΡΩ 214.498,200 ΤΑΧΥΔΡΟΜΙΚΟ ΤΑΜΙΕΥΤΗΡΙΟ</span></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">16. ΒΛΑΤΗΣ ΙΩΑΝΝΗΣ ΕΥΡΩ 56.738,960 ΚΥΠΡΟΥ</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">ΒΛΑΤΗΣ ΙΩΑΝΝΗΣ ΕΥΡΩ 58.426,860 ΚΥΠΡΟΥ</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">17. ΒΛΑΧΟΣ ΓΕΩΡΓΙΟΣ ΕΥΡΩ 684.000,000 ΕΘΝΙΚΗ</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">18. ΒΟΖΕΜΠΕΡΓΚ ΕΛΙΣΣΑΒΕΤ (ΕΛΙΖΑ) ΕΥΡΩ 99.794,290 ΠΕΙΡΑΙΩΣ</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">ΒΟΖΕΜΠΕΡΓΚ ΕΛΙΣΣΑΒΕΤ (ΕΛΙΖΑ) ΕΥΡΩ 400.000,000 ΠΕΙΡΑΙΩΣ</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: orange; color: #20124d;"><span style="font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">19. ΒΟΡΙΔΗΣ ΜΑΥΡΟΥΔΗΣ ΕΥΡΩ 201.283,870 MILENNIUM</span><span style="font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">ΒΟΡΙΔΗΣ ΜΑΥΡΟΥΔΗΣ ΕΥΡΩ 52.147,930 ΕΘΝΙΚΗ</span></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">20. ΒΡΕΤΤΟΣ ΚΩΝ/ΝΟΣ ΕΥΡΩ 250.972,130 ΕΘΝΙΚΗ</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">21. ΒΡΟΥΤΣΗΣ ΙΩΑΝΝΗΣ ΕΥΡΩ 149.041,950 ΕΘΝΙΚΗ ΒΟΥΛΗΣ</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">22. ΓΑΛΗΝΟΣ ΣΠΥΡΙΔΩΝ ΣΥΖΥΓΟΣ ΕΥΡΩ 60.000,000 ΕΘΝΙΚΗ</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">23. ΓΕΙΤΟΝΑΣ ΚΩΝ/ΝΟΣ ΕΥΡΩ 58.401,070 ΕΘΝΙΚΗ</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">ΓΕΙΤΟΝΑΣ ΚΩΝ/ΝΟΣ ΕΥΡΩ 165.093,750 ΕΘΝΙΚΗ</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: orange; color: #20124d;"><span style="font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">24. ΓΕΝΗΜΑΤΑ ΦΩΤΕΙΝΗ ΕΥΡΩ 61.578,890 ΕΘΝΙΚΗ</span><span style="font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">ΓΕΝΗΜΑΤΑ ΦΩΤΕΙΝΗ ΣΥΖΥΓΟΣ USD 53.527,530 MARATHON BANK</span></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">25. ΓΕΡΟΥΛΑΝΟΣ ΠΑΥΛΟΣ ΕΥΡΩ 56.030,570 EUROBANK</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">26. ΓΙΑΚΟΥΜΑΤΟΣ ΓΕΡΑΣΙΜΟΣ ΣΥΖΥΓΟΣ ΕΥΡΩ 160.000,000 ΕΘΝΙΚΗ ΒΟΥΛΗΣ</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">27. ΓΙΑΝΝΑΚΗΣ ΜΙΧΑΗΛ ΕΥΡΩ 150.000,000 ΕΘΝΙΚΗ</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">ΓΙΑΝΝΑΚΗΣ ΜΙΧΑΗΛ ΣΥΖΥΓΟΣ ΕΥΡΩ 100.000,000 ΕΘΝΙΚΗ</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">28. ΓΙΑΝΝΑΚΟΥ ΜΑΡΙΕΤΤΑ ΑΝΗΛΙΚΟ ΤΕΚΝΟ ΕΥΡΩ 117.640,000 ΕΘΝΙΚΗ</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">29. ΓΙΑΝΝΟΠΟΥΛΟΣ ΑΘΑΝΑΣΙΟΣ ΣΥΖΥΓΟΣ ΕΥΡΩ 74.794,910 ΕΘΝΙΚΗ</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">30. ΓΙΚΟΝΟΓΛΟΥ ΑΘΑΝΑΣΙΟΣ ΕΥΡΩ 53.083,940 ΕΘΝΙΚΗ</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">ΓΙΚΟΝΟΓΛΟΥ ΑΘΑΝΑΣΙΟΣ ΕΥΡΩ 100.000,000 ΕΘΝΙΚΗ</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">31. ΔΑΜΙΑΝΑΚΗΣ ΕΥΤΥΧΙΟΣ ΕΥΡΩ 48.382,960 ΕΘΝΙΚΗ</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">ΔΑΜΙΑΝΑΚΗΣ ΕΥΤΥΧΙΟΣ ΕΥΡΩ 51.757,440 ΚΥΠΡΟΥ</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">ΔΑΜΙΑΝΑΚΗΣ ΕΥΤΥΧΙΟΣ ΕΥΡΩ 55.000,000 ΚΥΠΡΟΥ</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">ΔΑΜΙΑΝΑΚΗΣ ΕΥΤΥΧΙΟΣ ΕΥΡΩ 200.000,000 ΚΥΠΡΟΥ</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">ΔΑΜΙΑΝΑΚΗΣ ΕΥΤΥΧΙΟΣ ΕΥΡΩ 11.485,090</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">ΔΑΜΙΑΝΑΚΗΣ ΕΥΤΥΧΙΟΣ ΕΥΡΩ 1.209.306,000</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">32. ΔΕΝΔΙΑΣ ΝΙΚΟΛΑΟΣ – ΓΕΩΡΓΙΟΣ ΕΥΡΩ 51.757,960 FIRST BUSINESS BANK</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">33. ΔΕΡΜΕΝΤΖΟΠΟΥΛΟΣ ΑΛΕΞΑΝΔΡΟΣ ΕΥΡΩ 75.300,000 ALPHA</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">ΔΕΡΜΕΝΤΖΟΠΟΥΛΟΣ ΑΛΕΞΑΝΔΡΟΣ ΕΥΡΩ 82.500,000 ΕΘΝΙΚΗ</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">34. ΔΗΜΑΡΑΣ ΙΩΑΝΝΗΣ ΕΥΡΩ 68.944,700 ΕΘΝΙΚΗ</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">35. ΔΗΜΗΤΡΟΥΛΟΠΟΥΛΟΣ ΠΑΝΑΓΙΩΤΗΣ (ΤΑΚΗΣ) ΣΥΖΥΓΟΣ ΕΥΡΩ 120.000,000 EUROBANK</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">36. ΔΙΑΜΑΝΤΟΠΟΥΛΟΥ ´ΑΝΝΑ ΕΥΡΩ 70.000,000 ING – FIDELITE</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">ΔΙΑΜΑΝΤΟΠΟΥΛΟΥ ´ΑΝΝΑ ΕΥΡΩ 140.000,000 ΕΘΝΙΚΗ</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">ΔΙΑΜΑΝΤΟΠΟΥΛΟΥ ´ΑΝΝΑ ΑΝΗΛΙΚΟ ΤΕΚΝΟ ΕΥΡΩ 59.703,750 ΕΘΝΙΚΗ</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">37. ΔΡΙΒΕΛΕΓΚΑΣ ΙΩΑΝΝΗΣ ΕΥΡΩ 85.739,850 ΕΘΝΙΚΗ</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">ΔΡΙΒΕΛΕΓΚΑΣ ΙΩΑΝΝΗΣ ΕΥΡΩ 49.987,720 ΠΕΙΡΑΙΩΣ</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">38. ΔΡΟΥΤΣΑΣ ΔΗΜΗΤΡΙΟΣ ΕΥΡΩ 93.602,000 EUROBANK</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">ΔΡΟΥΤΣΑΣ ΔΗΜΗΤΡΙΟΣ ΣΥΖΥΓΟΣ ΕΥΡΩ 124.168,000 ΠΕΙΡΑΙΩΣ</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">39. ΈΞΑΡΧΟΣ ΒΑΣΙΛΗΣ ΕΥΡΩ 113.840,001 ΕΘΝΙΚΗ</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">40. ΕΥΘΥΜΙΟΥ ΠΕΤΡΟΣ ΕΥΡΩ 69.600,000 KBG ΒΡΥΞΕΛΛΕΣ</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">41. ΖΩΗΣ ΧΡΗΣΤΟΣ ΕΥΡΩ 142.000,000 ΕΘΝΙΚΗ</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">ΖΩΗΣ ΧΡΗΣΤΟΣ ΣΥΖΥΓΟΣ ΕΥΡΩ 109.060,000 MARFIN</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">42. ΖΩΙΔΗΣ ΝΙΚΟΛΑΟΣ ΣΥΖΥΓΟΣ ΕΥΡΩ 65.000,000 ΑΓΡΟΤΙΚΗ</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">43.ΖΩΙΔΗΣ ΝΙΚΟΛΑΟΣ ΣΥΖΥΓΟΣ ΕΥΡΩ 48.200,000 ΕΘΝΙΚΗ</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">ΖΩΙΔΗΣ ΝΙΚΟΛΑΟΣ ΣΥΖΥΓΟΣ ΕΥΡΩ 56.000,000 ΕΘΝΙΚΗ</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">44. ΘΕΟΧΑΡΗ ΜΑΡΙΑ ΕΥΡΩ 53.901,550 ΕΘΝΙΚΗ</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">45. ΙΑΤΡΙΔΗ ΤΣΑΜΠΙΚΑ (ΜΙΚΑ) ΕΥΡΩ 50.000,000 ΚΥΠΡΟΥ</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">46. ΙΩΑΝΝΙΔΗΣ ΙΩΑΝΝΗΣ ΕΥΡΩ 620.732,620 CITYBANK</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">ΙΩΑΝΝΙΔΗΣ ΙΩΑΝΝΗΣ USD 1.014.221,000 CITYBANK</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">47. ΚΑΪΛΗ ΕΥΔΟΞΙΑ (ΕΥΑ) ΕΥΡΩ 62.998,030 ΕΘΝΙΚΗ</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">48. ΚΑΛΟΓΙΑΝΝΗΣ ΣΤΑΥΡΟΣ ΣΥΖΥΓΟΣ ΕΥΡΩ 75.000,000 ΕΘΝΙΚΗ</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">ΚΑΛΟΓΙΑΝΝΗΣ ΣΤΑΥΡΟΣ ΣΥΖΥΓΟΣ USD 171.000,000 ΕΘΝΙΚΗ</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">ΚΑΛΟΓΙΑΝΝΗΣ ΣΤΑΥΡΟΣ ΣΥΖΥΓΟΣ ΕΥΡΩ 240.000,000 ΕΘΝΙΚΗ</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">49. ΚΑΝΕΛΛΗ ΓΑΡΥΦΑΛΛΙΑ ΕΥΡΩ 65.000,000 EUROBANK</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">50. ΚΑΝΤΕΡΕΣ ΝΙΚΟΛΑΟΣ ΕΥΡΩ 111.933,690 EUROBANK</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">ΚΑΝΤΕΡΕΣ ΝΙΚΟΛΑΟΣ ΕΥΡΩ 149.380,220 ΕΘΝΙΚΗ</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: yellow; color: #20124d;"><span style="font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">51. ΚΑΡΑΜΑΝΛΗΣ ΚΩΝ/ΝΟΣ ΕΥΡΩ 140.600,000 ΕΘΝΙΚΗ</span><span style="font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">ΚΑΡΑΜΑΝΛΗΣ ΚΩΝ/ΝΟΣ USD 167.935,000 ΕΘΝΙΚΗ</span><span style="font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">ΚΑΡΑΜΑΝΛΗΣ ΚΩΝ/ΝΟΣ ΕΥΡΩ 297.177,000 ΕΘΝΙΚΗ</span><span style="font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">ΚΑΡΑΜΑΝΛΗΣ ΚΩΝ/ΝΟΣ ΕΥΡΩ 302.175,920 ΠΕΙΡΑΙΩΣ</span><span style="font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">ΚΑΡΑΜΑΝΛΗΣ ΚΩΝ/ΝΟΣ ΣΥΖΥΓΟΣ ΕΥΡΩ 85.306,590 ΕΘΝΙΚΗ</span></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">52. ΚΑΡΑΝΙΚΑΣ ΗΛΙΑΣ (ΚΟΙΝΟΣ) ΕΥΡΩ 91.422,980 ALPHA</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">53. ΚΑΡΑΝΙΚΑΣ ΗΛΙΑΣ (ΚΟΙΝΟΣ) ΕΥΡΩ 112.198,450 ΕΘΝΙΚΗ</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">54. ΚΑΡΑΣΜΑΝΗΣ ΓΕΩΡΓΙΟΣ ΕΥΡΩ 52.000,000 ALPHA</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: orange; color: #20124d; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">55. ΚΑΡΧΙΜΑΚΗΣ ΜΙΧΑΗΛ ΣΥΖΥΓΟΣ ΕΥΡΩ 80.000,000 ΕΜΠΟΡΙΚΗ</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">56. ΚΑΣΑΠΙΔΗΣ ΓΕΩΡΓΙΟΣ ΕΥΡΩ 62.523,840 ATTICA</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">ΚΑΣΑΠΙΔΗΣ ΓΕΩΡΓΙΟΣ ΕΥΡΩ 61.027,850 ΕΘΝΙΚΗ</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">57. ΚΑΣΤΑΝΙΔΗΣ ΧΑΡΑΛΑΜΠΟΣ ΕΥΡΩ 54.837,340 ΕΘΝΙΚΗ</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">58. ΚΑΤΡΙΝΗΣ ΜΙΧΑΗΛ ΣΥΖΥΓΟΣ ΕΥΡΩ 62.210,780 ΕΜΠΟΡΙΚΗ</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">59. ΚΕΔΙΚΟΓΛΟΥ ΣΥΜΕΩΝ ΕΥΡΩ 50.247,640 ΕΘΝΙΚΗ</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">60. ΚΕΦΑΛΟΓΙΑΝΝΗ ΌΛΓΑ ΕΥΡΩ 127.883,800 ΕΘΝΙΚΗ</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">61. ΚΕΦΑΛΟΓΙΑΝΝΗΣ ΕΜΜΑΝΟΥΗΛ ΕΥΡΩ 60.000,000 EUROBANK</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">ΚΕΦΑΛΟΓΙΑΝΝΗΣ ΕΜΜΑΝΟΥΗΛ ΕΥΡΩ 185.000,000 ΕΘΝΙΚΗ</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">ΚΕΦΑΛΟΓΙΑΝΝΗΣ ΕΜΜΑΝΟΥΗΛ ΣΥΖΥΓΟΣ ΕΥΡΩ 55.000,000 EUROBANK</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">62. ΚΙΛΤΙΔΗΣ ΚΩΝ/ΝΟΣ ΕΥΡΩ 100.000,000 ΚΥΠΡΟΥ</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">ΚΙΛΤΙΔΗΣ ΚΩΝ/ΝΟΣ ΕΥΡΩ 80.000,000 ΠΕΙΡΑΙΩΣ</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">ΚΙΛΤΙΔΗΣ ΚΩΝ/ΝΟΣ ΕΥΡΩ 100.000,000 ΤΑΧΥΔΡΟΜΙΚΟ ΤΑΜΙΕΥΤΗΡΙΟ</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">ΚΟΠΠΑ ΜΑΡΙΑ-ΕΛΕΝΗ ΕΥΡΩ 300.158,000 KBG ΒΡΥΞΕΛΛΕΣ</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">63. ΚΟΠΠΑ ΜΑΡΙΑ-ΕΛΕΝΗ USD 50.000,000 ΕΜΠΟΡΙΚΗ</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">ΚΟΠΠΑ ΜΑΡΙΑ-ΕΛΕΝΗ ΕΥΡΩ 51.060,900 ΕΜΠΟΡΙΚΗ</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">ΚΟΠΠΑ ΜΑΡΙΑ-ΕΛΕΝΗ ΕΥΡΩ 87.800,000 ΠΕΙΡΑΙΩΣ</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">64. ΚΟΥΒΕΛΗΣ ΣΠΥΡΙΔΩΝ ΕΥΡΩ 51.158,430 ΕΘΝΙΚΗ</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">65. ΚΟΥΒΕΛΗΣ ΣΠΥΡΙΔΩΝ USD 48.061,220 ΕΛΛΗΝΙΚΗ ΤΡΑΠΕΖΑ</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">ΚΟΥΒΕΛΗΣ ΣΠΥΡΙΔΩΝ ΕΥΡΩ 68.512,890 ΕΛΛΗΝΙΚΗ ΤΡΑΠΕΖΑ</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">ΚΟΥΒΕΛΗΣ ΣΠΥΡΙΔΩΝ ΕΥΡΩ 73.700,580 ΕΛΛΗΝΙΚΗ ΤΡΑΠΕΖΑ</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">ΚΟΥΒΕΛΗΣ ΣΠΥΡΙΔΩΝ ΕΥΡΩ 74.313,570 ΕΛΛΗΝΙΚΗ ΤΡΑΠΕΖΑ</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: orange; color: #20124d;"><span style="font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">66. ΚΟΥΒΕΛΗΣ ΦΩΤΙΟΣ – ΦΑΝΟΥΡΙΟΣ ΕΥΡΩ 112.717,360 ΕΘΝΙΚΗ</span><span style="font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">ΚΟΥΒΕΛΗΣ ΦΩΤΙΟΣ – ΦΑΝΟΥΡΙΟΣ ΕΥΡΩ 85.407,990 ΕΜΠΟΡΙΚΗ</span><span style="font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">ΚΟΥΒΕΛΗΣ ΦΩΤΙΟΣ – ΦΑΝΟΥΡΙΟΣ ΕΥΡΩ 237.952,430 ΕΜΠΟΡΙΚΗ</span></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">67. ΚΟΥΜΟΥΤΣΑΚΟΣ ΓΕΩΡΓΙΟΣ ΕΥΡΩ 107.000,000 BNP PARIS BAS FORTIS (ΒΕΛΓΙΟ)</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">68. ΚΟΥΡΑΚΗΣ ΑΝΑΣΤΑΣΙΟΣ ΕΥΡΩ 55.000,000 ΕΘΝΙΚΗ</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">69. ΚΟΥΡΟΥΜΠΛΗΣ ΠΑΝΑΓΙΩΤΗΣ ΕΥΡΩ 50.466,000 EUROBANK</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">70. ΚΟΥΡΟΥΠΑΚΗ ΕΥΑΓΓΕΛΙΑ ΣΥΖΥΓΟΣ ΕΥΡΩ 57.664,000 ΕΘΝΙΚΗ</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">ΚΟΥΡΟΥΠΑΚΗ ΕΥΑΓΓΕΛΙΑ ΣΥΖΥΓΟΣ ΕΥΡΩ 124.963,620 ΕΘΝΙΚΗ</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">ΚΟΥΡΟΥΠΑΚΗ ΕΥΑΓΓΕΛΙΑ ΣΥΖΥΓΟΣ ΕΥΡΩ 70.000,000 ΠΕΙΡΑΙΩΣ</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">71. ΚΟΥΣΕΛΑΣ ΔΗΜΗΤΡΗΣ ΕΥΡΩ 50.000,000 MILENNIUM</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">ΚΟΥΣΕΛΑΣ ΔΗΜΗΤΡΗΣ ΕΥΡΩ 135.014,700 ΚΥΠΡΟΥ</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">72. ΚΟΥΤΜΕΡΙΔΗΣ ΕΥΣΤΑΘΙΟΣ ΕΥΡΩ 300.000,000 ΕΘΝΙΚΗ</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">73. ΚΟΥΤΡΟΥΜΑΝΗΣ ΓΕΩΡΓΙΟΣ ΕΥΡΩ 59.245,000 ΕΘΝΙΚΗ</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">74. ΚΡΑΤΣΑ ΡΟΔΗ ΕΥΡΩ 220.000,000 BNP PARIS BAS FORTIS</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">ΚΡΑΤΣΑ ΡΟΔΗ ΕΥΡΩ 122.200,000 ΕΘΝΙΚΗ</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">ΚΡΑΤΣΑ ΡΟΔΗ ΣΥΖΥΓΟΣ ΕΥΡΩ 120.000,000 BNP PARIS BAS FORTIS</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">ΚΡΑΤΣΑ ΡΟΔΗ ΣΥΖΥΓΟΣ ΕΥΡΩ 160.000,000 ΕΘΝΙΚΗ</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">75. ΚΡΕΜΑΣΤΙΝΟΣ ΔΗΜΗΤΡΙΟΣ ΕΥΡΩ 412.747,880 EUROBANK</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">ΚΡΕΜΑΣΤΙΝΟΣ ΔΗΜΗΤΡΙΟΣ ΕΥΡΩ 162.366,000 ΑΓΡΟΤΙΚΗ</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">ΚΡΕΜΑΣΤΙΝΟΣ ΔΗΜΗΤΡΙΟΣ ΕΥΡΩ 354.010,000 ΕΘΝΙΚΗ</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">ΚΡΕΜΑΣΤΙΝΟΣ ΔΗΜΗΤΡΙΟΣ ΕΥΡΩ 178.191,230 ΠΕΙΡΑΙΩΣ</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">ΚΡΕΜΑΣΤΙΝΟΣ ΔΗΜΗΤΡΙΟΣ ΣΥΖΥΓΟΣ ΕΥΡΩ 176.837,000 ALPHA</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">76. ΛΑΜΠΡΙΝΙΔΗΣ ΣΤΑΥΡΟΣ ΕΥΡΩ 93.683,460 ALPHA</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">ΛΑΜΠΡΙΝΙΔΗΣ ΣΤΑΥΡΟΣ ΕΥΡΩ 267.085,000 ING ΒΡΥΞΕΛΛΩΝ</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">ΛΑΜΠΡΙΝΙΔΗΣ ΣΤΑΥΡΟΣ ΣΥΖΥΓΟΣ ΕΥΡΩ 49.214,000 ALPHA</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">ΛΑΜΠΡΙΝΙΔΗΣ ΣΤΑΥΡΟΣ ΣΥΖΥΓΟΣ ΕΥΡΩ 112.886,000 MARFIN</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: orange; color: #20124d;"><span style="font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">77. ΛΑΦΑΖΑΝΗΣ ΠΑΝΑΓΙΩΤΗΣ ΕΥΡΩ 60.500,000 ΕΘΝΙΚΗ</span><span style="font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">ΛΑΦΑΖΑΝΗΣ ΠΑΝΑΓΙΩΤΗΣ ΥΖΥΓΟΣ ΕΥΡΩ 60.500,000 ΕΘΝΙΚΗ</span></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">78. ΛΕΟΝΤΑΡΙΔΗΣ ΘΕΟΦΙΛΟΣ ΕΥΡΩ 70.000,000 ΕΘΝΙΚΗ</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">79. ΛΙΑΝΗΣ ΓΕΩΡΓΙΟΣ ΣΥΖΥΓΟΣ ΕΥΡΩ 49.924,900 ΕΘΝΙΚΗ</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">80. ΜΑΓΚΟΥΦΗΣ ΧΡΗΣΤΟΣ ΕΥΡΩ 87.997,380 ΠΕΙΡΑΙΩΣ</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: orange; color: #20124d;"><span style="font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">81. ΜΑΓΚΡΙΩΤΗΣ ΙΩΑΝΝΗΣ ΕΥΡΩ 84.835,650 ΕΘΝΙΚΗ</span><span style="font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">ΜΑΓΚΡΙΩΤΗΣ ΙΩΑΝΝΗΣ ΣΥΖΥΓΟΣ ΕΥΡΩ 48.500,000 EUROBANK</span></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">82. ΜΑΝΩΛΑΚΗΣ “ΑΓΓΕΛΟΣ ΕΥΡΩ 66.518,780 ALPHA</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">ΜΑΝΩΛΑΚΗΣ “ΑΓΓΕΛΟΣ ΕΥΡΩ 50.537,850 ΕΘΝΙΚΗ</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">83. ΜΑΡΚΟΓΙΑΝΝΑΚΗΣ ΧΡΗΣΤΟΣ ΕΥΡΩ 180.000,000 ΕΓΝΑΤΙΑ</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">ΜΑΡΚΟΓΙΑΝΝΑΚΗΣ ΧΡΗΣΤΟΣ ΣΥΖΥΓΟΣ ΕΥΡΩ 60.000,000 ΕΜΠΟΡΙΚΗ</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">84. ΜΕΪΜΑΡΑΚΗΣ ΕΥΑΓΓΕΛΟΣ – ΒΑΣΙΛΕΙΟΣ ΕΥΡΩ 65.365,620 ALPHA</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">ΜΕΪΜΑΡΑΚΗΣ ΕΥΑΓΓΕΛΟΣ – ΒΑΣΙΛΕΙΟΣ ΕΥΡΩ 84.300,000 ΕΘΝΙΚΗ</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">85. ΜΕΛΑΣ ΠΑΝΑΓΙΩΤΗΣ ΕΥΡΩ 62.611,440 EUROBANK</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">ΜΕΛΑΣ ΠΑΝΑΓΙΩΤΗΣ ΕΥΡΩ 85.599,450 ΕΘΝΙΚΗ</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">ΜΕΛΑΣ ΠΑΝΑΓΙΩΤΗΣ ΕΥΡΩ 260.125,000 ΕΘΝΙΚΗ</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">86. ΜΗΤΣΟΤΑΚΗΣ ΚΥΡΙΑΚΟΣ ΕΥΡΩ 280.000,000 ΕΘΝΙΚΗ</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">87. ΜΙΧΟΣ ΛΑΜΠΡΟΣ ΣΥΖΥΓΟΣ ΕΥΡΩ 166.000,000</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">88. ΜΟΣΙΑΛΟΣ ΗΛΙΑΣ ΕΥΡΩ 171.444,140 EUROBANK</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">89. ΜΟΥΛΟΠΟΥΛΟΣ ΒΑΣΙΛΕΙΟΣ ΕΥΡΩ 108.510,070 ALPHA</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">ΜΟΥΛΟΠΟΥΛΟΣ ΒΑΣΙΛΕΙΟΣ ΕΥΡΩ 77.126,121 ΕΘΝΙΚΗ</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">90. ΜΠΑΚΟΓΙΑΝΝΗ ΘΕΟΔΩΡΑ (ΝΤΟΡΑ) USD 512.720,280 ALPHA</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">ΜΠΑΚΟΓΙΑΝΝΗ ΘΕΟΔΩΡΑ (ΝΤΟΡΑ) ΕΥΡΩ 857.461,000 DEUTSCHE BANK</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">ΜΠΑΚΟΓΙΑΝΝΗ ΘΕΟΔΩΡΑ (ΝΤΟΡΑ) ΕΥΡΩ 549.723,300 EUROBANK</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">ΜΠΑΚΟΓΙΑΝΝΗ ΘΕΟΔΩΡΑ (ΝΤΟΡΑ) ΕΥΡΩ 182.289,680 HYQOVEREINS BANK</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">ΜΠΑΚΟΓΙΑΝΝΗ ΘΕΟΔΩΡΑ (ΝΤΟΡΑ) ΕΥΡΩ 112.000,000 ΕΘΝΙΚΗ</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">ΜΠΑΚΟΓΙΑΝΝΗ ΘΕΟΔΩΡΑ (ΝΤΟΡΑ) ΣΥΖΥΓΟΣ USD 131.169,270 HSBC</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">ΜΠΑΚΟΓΙΑΝΝΗ ΘΕΟΔΩΡΑ (ΝΤΟΡΑ) ΣΥΖΥΓΟΣ USD 89.184,960 ΠΕΙΡΑΙΩΣ</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">91. ΜΠΑΤΖΕΛΗ ΚΑΤΕΡΙΝΑ ΕΥΡΩ 80.000,000 KBG ΒΡΥΞΕΛΛΕΣ</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">92. ΜΠΕΓΛΙΤΗΣ ΠΑΝΑΓΙΩΤΗΣ ΣΥΖΥΓΟΣ ΕΥΡΩ 65.000,000 ΕΘΝΙΚΗ</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">93. ΜΠΕΚΙΡΗΣ ΜΙΧΑΗΛ ΕΥΡΩ 65.301,370 ΕΘΝΙΚΗ</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">ΜΠΕΚΙΡΗΣ ΜΙΧΑΗΛ ΣΥΖΥΓΟΣ ΕΥΡΩ 65.222,020 ΕΘΝΙΚΗ</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">94. ΜΠΕΝΤΕΝΙΩΤΗΣ ΕΜΜΑΝΟΥΗΛ ΕΥΡΩ 93.428,280 ΕΘΝΙΚΗ</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">ΜΠΕΝΤΕΝΙΩΤΗΣ ΕΜΜΑΝΟΥΗΛ ΣΥΖΥΓΟΣ ΕΥΡΩ 75.458,460 ΑΓΡΟΤΙΚΗ</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: orange; color: #20124d;"><span style="font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">95. ΜΠΙΡΜΠΙΛΗ-ΧΟΝΔΡΑΚΗ ΚΩΝΣΤΑΝΤΙΝΑ GBP 70.700,000 BOUTTS</span><span style="font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">ΜΠΙΡΜΠΙΛΗ-ΧΟΝΔΡΑΚΗ ΚΩΝΣΤΑΝΤΙΝΑ ΕΥΡΩ 77.647,760 PROBANK</span><span style="font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">ΜΠΙΡΜΠΙΛΗ-ΧΟΝΔΡΑΚΗ ΚΩΝΣΤΑΝΤΙΝΑ ΕΥΡΩ 60.000,000 ΕΘΝΙΚΗ</span></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">96. ΜΠΟΥΡΑΣ ΑΘΑΝΑΣΙΟΣ ΕΥΡΩ 90.000,000 ΕΘΝΙΚΗ</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">ΜΠΟΥΡΑΣ ΑΘΑΝΑΣΙΟΣ ΕΥΡΩ 160.000,000 ΠΕΙΡΑΙΩΣ</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">ΜΠΟΥΡΑΣ ΑΘΑΝΑΣΙΟΣ ΣΥΖΥΓΟΣ ΕΥΡΩ 70.000,000 ΕΘΝΙΚΗ</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">97. ΝΑΚΟΣ ΑΘΑΝΑΣΙΟΣ ΣΥΖΥΓΟΣ ΕΥΡΩ 250.000,000 ΠΕΙΡΑΙΩΣ</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">98. ΝΑΣΙΩΚΑΣ ´ΕΚΤΟΡΑΣ ΕΥΡΩ 147.419,000 ΕΘΝΙΚΗ</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">99. ΝΕΡΑΝΤΖΗΣ ΑΝΑΣΤΑΣΙΟΣ ΕΥΡΩ 150.000,000 ΠΕΙΡΑΙΩΣ</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">100. ΝΙΚΗΤΙΑΔΗΣ ΓΕΩΡΓΙΟΣ ΕΥΡΩ 83.450,570 ΕΘΝΙΚΗ</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">101. ΝΙΚΟΛΑΪΔΟΥ ΒΑΡΒΑΡΑ (ΒΕΡΑ) ΕΥΡΩ 100.000,000 ΕΘΝΙΚΗ</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">102. ΝΤΑΛΑΡΑ ΆΝΝΑ ΕΥΡΩ 85.237,001 ALPHA</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">ΝΤΑΛΑΡΑ ΆΝΝΑ ΕΥΡΩ 150.000,001 ALPHA</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">ΝΤΑΛΑΡΑ ΆΝΝΑ ΕΥΡΩ 550.000,001 ALPHA</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">ΝΤΑΛΑΡΑ ΆΝΝΑ ΕΥΡΩ 125.624,001 SOCIETE GENERALE</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">103. ΝΤΙΝΟΠΟΥΛΟΣ ΑΡΓΥΡΙΟΣ ΕΥΡΩ 100.516,330 ΕΘΝΙΚΗ</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">ΝΤΙΝΟΠΟΥΛΟΣ ΑΡΓΥΡΙΟΣ ΑΝΗΛΙΚΟ ΤΕΚΝΟ ΕΥΡΩ 100.516,330 ΕΘΝΙΚΗ</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">ΝΤΙΝΟΠΟΥΛΟΣ ΑΡΓΥΡΙΟΣ ΣΥΖΥΓΟΣ ΕΥΡΩ 100.516,330 ΕΘΝΙΚΗ</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">104. ΝΤΟΛΙΟΣ ΓΕΩΡΓΙΟΣ ΕΥΡΩ 69.650,000 EUROBANK</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">ΝΤΟΛΙΟΣ ΓΕΩΡΓΙΟΣ ΕΥΡΩ 122.407,420 ΕΘΝΙΚΗ</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">105. ΟΙΚΟΝΟΜΟΥ ΑΘΑΝΑΣΙΟΣ ΣΥΖΥΓΟΣ ΕΥΡΩ 52.094,780 MILENNIUM</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">ΟΙΚΟΝΟΜΟΥ ΠΑΝΤΕΛΗΣ ΕΥΡΩ 462.000,000 ΤΑΧΥΔΡΟΜΙΚΟ ΤΑΜΙΕΥΤΗΡΙΟ</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">106. ΠΑΓΚΑΛΟΣ ΘΕΟΔΩΡΟΣ ΣΥΖΥΓΟΣ ΕΥΡΩ 51.835,960 ΕΘΝΙΚΗ</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">107. ΠΑΜΠΟΥΚΗΣ ΧΑΡΑΛΑΜΠΟΣ ΕΥΡΩ 52.361,450 CITYBANK</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">108. ΠΑΝΑΓΙΩΤΟΠΟΥΛΟΣ ΠΑΝΑΓΙΩΤΗΣ ΕΥΡΩ 1.353.499,510 EUROBANK</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">ΠΑΝΑΓΙΩΤΟΠΟΥΛΟΣ ΠΑΝΑΓΙΩΤΗΣ ΕΥΡΩ 183.974,030 ΕΘΝΙΚΗ</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">ΠΑΝΑΓΙΩΤΟΠΟΥΛΟΣ ΠΑΝΑΓΙΩΤΗΣ ΕΥΡΩ 101.305,040 ΠΕΙΡΑΙΩΣ</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">109. ΠΑΝΑΡΕΤΟΣ ΙΩΑΝΝΗΣ ΕΥΡΩ 215.869,310 ΕΘΝΙΚΗ</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">110. ΠΑΝΑΡΙΤΗ ΕΛΕΝΗ (ΈΛΕΝΑ) USD 58.000,000 ALPHA</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">111. ΠΑΠΑΓΕΩΡΓΙΟΥ ΑΘΑΝΑΣΙΟΣ ΕΥΡΩ 93.000,000 ΑΓΡΟΤΙΚΗ</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">ΠΑΠΑΓΕΩΡΓΙΟΥ ΑΘΑΝΑΣΙΟΣ ΕΥΡΩ 81.500,000 ΕΘΝΙΚΗ</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">ΠΑΠΑΓΕΩΡΓΙΟΥ ΑΘΑΝΑΣΙΟΣ ΣΥΖΥΓΟΣ ΕΥΡΩ 93.000,000 ΑΓΡΟΤΙΚΗ</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">112. ΠΑΠΑΔΗΜΗΤΡΙΟΥ ΕΛΙΣΑΒΕΤ (ΈΛΣΑ) ΕΥΡΩ 250.000,000 ALPHA</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">ΠΑΠΑΔΗΜΗΤΡΙΟΥ ΕΛΙΣΑΒΕΤ (ΈΛΣΑ) ΕΥΡΩ 150.000,000 ΕΘΝΙΚΗ</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">113. ΠΑΠΑΔΗΜΟΥΛΗΣ ΔΗΜΗΤΡΙΟΣ ΕΥΡΩ 136.500,000 ΕΘΝΙΚΗ</span><span style="background-color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: orange; color: #20124d; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">ΠΑΠΑΔΗΜΟΥΛΗΣ ΔΗΜΗΤΡΙΟΣ ΕΥΡΩ 240.600,000 ΤΑΜΕΙΟ ΠΑΡ/ΚΩΝ & ΔΑΝΕΙΩΝ</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">114. ΠΑΠΑΔΟΠΟΥΛΟΣ ΑΘΑΝΑΣΙΟΣ ΥΠΟΧΡΕΟΣ ΕΥΡΩ 65.001,580 ΑΓΡΟΤΙΚΗ</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">115. ΠΑΠΑΘΑΝΑΣΙΟΥ ΙΩΑΝΝΗΣ ΕΥΡΩ 317.967,330 ALPHA</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">116. ΠΑΠΑΪΩΑΝΝΟΥ ΜΙΛΤΙΑΔΗΣ ΕΥΡΩ 193.382,000 ΕΘΝΙΚΗ</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">ΠΑΠΑΪΩΑΝΝΟΥ ΜΙΛΤΙΑΔΗΣ ΕΥΡΩ 230.000,000 ΕΘΝΙΚΗ</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">117. ΠΑΠΑΝΔΡΕΟΥ ΒΑΣΩ ΕΥΡΩ 86.217,280 ΠΕΙΡΑΙΩΣ</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">118. ΠΑΠΑΝΔΡΕΟΥ ΓΕΩΡΓΙΟΣ ΕΥΡΩ 51.435,490 ΕΘΝΙΚΗ</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">119. ΠΑΠΑΝΙΚΟΛΑΟΥ ΓΕΩΡΓΙΟΣ ΕΥΡΩ 50.000,000 ALPHA</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">ΠΑΠΑΝΙΚΟΛΑΟΥ ΓΕΩΡΓΙΟΣ ΕΥΡΩ 51.000,000 MARFIN</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">ΠΑΠΑΝΙΚΟΛΑΟΥ ΓΕΩΡΓΙΟΣ ΕΥΡΩ 48.000,000 ΚΥΠΡΟΥ</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">120. ΠΑΠΑΧΡΗΣΤΟΣ ΕΥΑΓΓΕΛΟΣ ΣΥΖΥΓΟΣ ΕΥΡΩ 60.955,580 MILENNIUM</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">121. ΠΑΠΟΥΤΣΗΣ ΔΗΜΗΤΡΙΟΣ ΕΥΡΩ 125.811,290 ALPHA</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">ΠΑΠΟΥΤΣΗΣ ΔΗΜΗΤΡΙΟΣ ΕΥΡΩ 366.770,780 EUROBANK</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">122. ΠΑΠΟΥΤΣΗΣ ΧΡΗΣΤΟΣ ΕΥΡΩ 263.728,000 ΕΘΝΙΚΗ</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">ΠΑΠΟΥΤΣΗΣ ΧΡΗΣΤΟΣ USD 357.000,000 ΕΘΝΙΚΗ</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">123. ΠΕΤΑΛΩΤΗΣ ΓΕΩΡΓΙΟΣ ΕΥΡΩ 83.000,000 ΕΘΝΙΚΗ</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">ΠΕΤΑΛΩΤΗΣ ΓΕΩΡΓΙΟΣ ΕΥΡΩ 86.000,000 ΠΕΙΡΑΙΩΣ</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">ΠΕΤΑΛΩΤΗΣ ΓΕΩΡΓΙΟΣ ΣΥΖΥΓΟΣ ΕΥΡΩ 51.000,000 MARFIN</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">ΠΕΤΑΛΩΤΗΣ ΓΕΩΡΓΙΟΣ ΣΥΖΥΓΟΣ ΕΥΡΩ 83.500,000 ΕΘΝΙΚΗ</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">ΠΕΤΑΛΩΤΗΣ ΓΕΩΡΓΙΟΣ ΣΥΖΥΓΟΣ ΕΥΡΩ 86.000,000 ΠΕΙΡΑΙΩΣ</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: orange; color: #20124d;"><span style="font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">124. ΠΛΕΥΡΗΣ ΑΘΑΝΑΣΙΟΣ ΕΥΡΩ 81.884,000 ALPHA</span><span style="font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">ΠΛΕΥΡΗΣ ΑΘΑΝΑΣΙΟΣ ΣΥΖΥΓΟΣ USD 105.000,000 ΕΘΝΙΚΗ</span></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">125. ΠΟΔΗΜΑΤΑ ΆΝΝΥ ΕΥΡΩ 55.000,000 ING</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">126. ΠΟΥΠΑΚΗΣ ΚΩΝΣΤΑΝΤΙΝΟΣ ΕΥΡΩ 154.815,000 ING ΒΡΥΞΕΛΛΩΝ</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">ΠΟΥΠΑΚΗΣ ΚΩΝΣΤΑΝΤΙΝΟΣ ΕΥΡΩ 65.000,000 ΕΘΝΙΚΗ</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">127. ΡΑΓΚΟΥΣΗΣ ΙΩΑΝΝΗΣ ΕΥΡΩ 244.000,000 EUROBANK</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">128. ΡΑΠΤΗ ΑΝΑΣΤΑΣΙΑ – ΣΥΛΒΑΝΑ ΕΥΡΩ 204.703,410 ING</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">ΡΑΠΤΗ ΑΝΑΣΤΑΣΙΑ – ΣΥΛΒΑΝΑ ΕΥΡΩ 54.025,060 ΕΜΠΟΡΙΚΗ</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">ΡΑΠΤΗ ΑΝΑΣΤΑΣΙΑ – ΣΥΛΒΑΝΑ ΣΥΖΥΓΟΣ ΕΥΡΩ 60.000,000 ΕΘΝΙΚΗ</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">129. ΡΑΠΤΗ ΕΛΕΝΗ ΕΥΡΩ 253.862,140 EUROBANK</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">ΡΑΠΤΗ ΕΛΕΝΗ ΕΥΡΩ 329.466,790 MARFIN</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">130. ΡΕΠΠΑΣ ΔΗΜΗΤΡΙΟΣ ΕΥΡΩ 203.165,980 ΕΘΝΙΚΗ</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">131. ΡΟΒΛΙΑΣ ΚΩΝΣΤΑΝΤΙΝΟΣ (ΝΤΙΝΟΣ) ΕΥΡΩ 225.300,000 ΕΜΠΟΡΙΚΗ</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">132. ΣΑΑΤΣΟΓΛΟΥ-ΠΑΛΙΑΔΕΛΗ ΧΡΥΣΟΥΛΑ ΕΥΡΩ 90.000,000 ING ΒΡΥΞΕΛΛΩΝ</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">ΣΑΑΤΣΟΓΛΟΥ-ΠΑΛΙΑΔΕΛΗ ΧΡΥΣΟΥΛΑ ΕΥΡΩ 87.275,620 ΕΘΝΙΚΗ</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">ΣΑΑΤΣΟΓΛΟΥ-ΠΑΛΙΑΔΕΛΗ ΧΡΥΣΟΥΛΑ ΣΥΖΥΓΟΣ ΕΥΡΩ 49.929,440 ΕΘΝΙΚΗ</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">133. ΣΑΛΑΒΡΑΚΟΣ ΝΙΚΟΛΑΟΣ ΕΥΡΩ 81.366,900 EUROBANK</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">ΣΑΛΑΒΡΑΚΟΣ ΝΙΚΟΛΑΟΣ GBP 173.686,260 EUROBANK</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">ΣΑΛΑΒΡΑΚΟΣ ΝΙΚΟΛΑΟΣ ΕΥΡΩ 65.597,500 ING</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">ΣΑΛΑΒΡΑΚΟΣ ΝΙΚΟΛΑΟΣ ΣΥΖΥΓΟΣ ΕΥΡΩ 57.137,700 ΕΘΝΙΚΗ</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">ΣΑΛΑΒΡΑΚΟΣ ΝΙΚΟΛΑΟΣ ΣΥΖΥΓΟΣ ΕΥΡΩ 61.998,410 ΕΜΠΟΡΙΚΗ</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="color: #20124d;"><span style="background-color: yellow; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">134. ΣΑΜΑΡΑΣ ΑΝΤΩΝΙΟΣ ΕΥΡΩ 285.467,000 KBG ΒΡΥΞΕΛΛΕΣ</span><span style="background-color: #660000; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">135. </span><span style="font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><span style="background-color: orange;">ΣΑΧΙΝΙΔΗΣ ΦΙΛΙΠΠΟΣ ΕΥΡΩ 100.000,000 ΕΘΝΙΚΗ</span></span><span style="background-color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">ΣΑΧΙΝΙΔΗΣ ΦΙΛΙΠΠΟΣ ΕΥΡΩ 265.776,190 ΕΘΝΙΚΗ</span><span style="background-color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">ΣΑΧΙΝΙΔΗΣ ΦΙΛΙΠΠΟΣ ΣΥΖΥΓΟΣ ΕΥΡΩ 55.180,000 ALPHA</span></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">136. ΣΗΦΟΥΝΑΚΗΣ ΝΙΚΟΛΑΟΣ ΕΥΡΩ 120.819,810 ΕΘΝΙΚΗ</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">ΣΗΦΟΥΝΑΚΗΣ ΝΙΚΟΛΑΟΣ ΣΥΖΥΓΟΣ ΕΥΡΩ 198.537,020 INVESTMENT BANK OF GREECE</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">137. ΣΚΥΛΑΚΑΚΗΣ ΘΕΟΔΩΡΟΣ ΕΥΡΩ 80.695,750 HSBC</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">ΣΚΥΛΑΚΑΚΗΣ ΘΕΟΔΩΡΟΣ ΣΥΖΥΓΟΣ ΕΥΡΩ 213.356,000 ALPHA</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">ΣΚΥΛΑΚΑΚΗΣ ΘΕΟΔΩΡΟΣ ΣΥΖΥΓΟΣ ΕΥΡΩ 120.072,000 EUROBANK</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: orange;"><span style="color: #20124d;"><span style="font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">138. ΣΠΗΛΙΩΤΟΠΟΥΛΟΣ ΑΡΙΣΤΟΒΟΥΛΟΣ (ΆΡΗΣ) ΕΥΡΩ 187.706,250 ALPHA</span><span style="font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">ΣΠΗΛΙΩΤΟΠΟΥΛΟΣ ΑΡΙΣΤΟΒΟΥΛΟΣ (ΆΡΗΣ) ΕΥΡΩ 400.000,000 EUROBANK</span><span style="font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">ΣΠΗΛΙΩΤΟΠΟΥΛΟΣ ΑΡΙΣΤΟΒΟΥΛΟΣ (ΆΡΗΣ) ΕΥΡΩ 130.000,000 ΕΘΝΙΚΗ</span><span style="font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">ΣΠΗΛΙΩΤΟΠΟΥΛΟΣ ΑΡΙΣΤΟΒΟΥΛΟΣ (ΆΡΗΣ) ΕΥΡΩ 102.613,350 ΠΕΙΡΑΙΩΣ</span><span style="font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">139. ΣΤΑΪΚΟΥΡΑΣ ΧΡΗΣΤΟΣ ΕΥΡΩ 190.000,000 MARFIN</span><span style="font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">ΣΤΑΪΚΟΥΡΑΣ ΧΡΗΣΤΟΣ ΥΠΟΧΡΕΟΣ ΕΥΡΩ 165.000,000 ΕΘΝΙΚΗ</span></span></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">140. ΣΤΑΣΙΝΟΣ ΠΑΥΛΟΣ ΣΥΖΥΓΟΣ ΕΥΡΩ 75.000,000 EUROBANK</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">141. ΣΤΑΥΡΑΚΑΚΗΣ ΓΕΩΡΓΙΟΣ ΕΥΡΩ 60.000,000 ING</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">142. ΣΤΡΑΤΑΚΗΣ ΕΜΜΑΝΟΥΗΛ ΕΥΡΩ 80.000,000 ΠΑΓΚΡΗΤΙΑ ΤΡΑΠΕΖΑ</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">ΣΤΡΑΤΑΚΗΣ ΕΜΜΑΝΟΥΗΛ ΣΥΖΥΓΟΣ ΕΥΡΩ 115.000,000 ΠΑΓΚΡΗΤΙΑ ΤΡΑΠΕΖΑ</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">143. ΣΤΥΛΙΑΝΙΔΗΣ ΕΥΡΙΠΙΔΗΣ ΕΥΡΩ 235.000,000 ΕΜΠΟΡΙΚΗ</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">144. ΤΑΛΙΑΔΟΥΡΟΣ ΣΠΥΡΙΔΩΝ ΕΥΡΩ 117.017,760 EUROBANK</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">ΤΑΛΙΑΔΟΥΡΟΣ ΣΠΥΡΙΔΩΝ ΕΥΡΩ 60.051,450 ΕΘΝΙΚΗ</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">ΤΑΛΙΑΔΟΥΡΟΣ ΣΠΥΡΙΔΩΝ ΕΥΡΩ 62.719,870 ΕΘΝΙΚΗ</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">145. ΤΑΣΟΥΛΑΣ ΚΩΝ/ΝΟΣ ΕΥΡΩ 170.000,000 ΕΘΝΙΚΗ</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">146. ΤΖΑΒΑΡΑΣ ΚΩΝΣΤΑΝΤΙΝΟΣ ΕΥΡΩ 58.902,001 ΕΘΝΙΚΗ</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">147. ΤΖΑΒΕΛΑ ΦΕΡΟΝΙΚΗ ΕΥΡΩ 75.000,000 EUROBANK</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">148. ΤΟΓΙΑΣ ΒΑΣΙΛΕΙΟΣ ΣΥΖΥΓΟΣ ΕΥΡΩ 70.000,001 ALPHA</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">149. ΤΡΑΓΑΚΗΣ ΙΩΑΝΝΗΣ ΕΥΡΩ 64.523,490 ΕΘΝΙΚΗ</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">ΤΡΑΓΑΚΗΣ ΙΩΑΝΝΗΣ ΣΥΖΥΓΟΣ ΕΥΡΩ 54.437,000 ΑΓΡΟΤΙΚΗ</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">150. ΤΡΕΜΟΠΟΥΛΟΣ ΜΙΧΑΗΛ ΕΥΡΩ 50.000,000 ΕΜΠΟΡΙΚΗ</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">ΤΡΕΜΟΠΟΥΛΟΣ ΜΙΧΑΗΛ ΣΥΖΥΓΟΣ ΕΥΡΩ 50.000,000 ΕΜΠΟΡΙΚΗ</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">151. ΤΡΙΑΝΤΑΦΥΛΛΟΠΟΥΛΟΣ ΑΝΔΡΕΑΣ ΕΥΡΩ 143.202,000 PROBANK</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">152.ΤΣΙΑΡΑΣ ΚΩΝΣΤΑΝΤΙΝΟΣ ΕΥΡΩ 158.888,940 ΕΘΝΙΚΗ</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">153. ΤΣΙΡΩΝΗΣ ΔΗΜΗΤΡΙΟΣ ΕΥΡΩ 56.111,581 ΕΘΝΙΚΗ</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">154. ΤΣΟΚΛΗ ΜΑΡΙΑ ΓΛΥΚΕΡΙΑ (ΜΑΓΙΑ) ΕΥΡΩ 80.000,000 ALPHA</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">ΤΣΟΚΛΗ ΜΑΡΙΑ ΓΛΥΚΕΡΙΑ (ΜΑΓΙΑ) ΕΥΡΩ 300.000,000 ALPHA</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">ΤΣΟΚΛΗ ΜΑΡΙΑ ΓΛΥΚΕΡΙΑ (ΜΑΓΙΑ) ΕΥΡΩ 370.000,000 ALPHA</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">ΤΣΟΚΛΗ ΜΑΡΙΑ ΓΛΥΚΕΡΙΑ (ΜΑΓΙΑ) ΕΥΡΩ 50.000,200 EUROBANK</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">ΤΣΟΚΛΗ ΜΑΡΙΑ ΓΛΥΚΕΡΙΑ (ΜΑΓΙΑ) ΕΥΡΩ 125.000,000 EUROBANK</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">155. ΤΣΟΝΟΓΛΟΥ-ΒΥΛΛΙΩΤΗ ΒΑΣΙΛΙΚΗ ΕΥΡΩ 105.511,280 ΠΕΙΡΑΙΩΣ</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">156. ΤΣΟΥΚΑΛΑΣ ΙΩΑΝΝΗΣ ΕΥΡΩ 160.040,271 ING</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">157. ΤΣΟΥΜΑΝΗΣ ΔΗΜΗΤΡΙΟΣ ΕΥΡΩ 71.723,000 ΕΘΝΙΚΗ</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">158. ΤΣΟΥΡΑΣ ΑΘΑΝΑΣΙΟΣ ΕΥΡΩ 101.534,000 ΑΤΤΙΚΗΣ</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">ΤΣΟΥΡΑΣ ΑΘΑΝΑΣΙΟΣ ΕΥΡΩ 102.735,000 ΑΤΤΙΚΗΣ</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">ΤΣΟΥΡΑΣ ΑΘΑΝΑΣΙΟΣ ΕΥΡΩ 55.088,000 ΕΘΝΙΚΗ</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">159. ΦΑΡΜΑΚΗ ΑΙΚΑΤΕΡΙΝΗ ΕΥΡΩ 153.124,820 ΠΕΙΡΑΙΩΣ</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">169. ΦΛΩΡΙΔΗΣ ΓΕΩΡΓΙΟΣ ΕΥΡΩ 51.000,000 ΕΘΝΙΚΗ</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">170. ΧΑΛΚΙΔΗΣ ΜΙΧΑΗΛ ΕΥΡΩ 65.185,890 ΑΓΡΟΤΙΚΗ</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">171. ΧΑΡΑΚΟΠΟΥΛΟΣ ΜΑΞΙΜΟΣ ΕΥΡΩ 70.751,080 ΕΘΝΙΚΗ</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">172. ΧΑΤΖΗΔΑΚΗΣ ΚΩΝ/ΝΟΣ ΕΥΡΩ 62.000,000 ALPHA</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">ΧΑΤΖΗΔΑΚΗΣ ΚΩΝ/ΝΟΣ ΕΥΡΩ 105.000,000 ING ΒΡΥΞΕΛΛΩΝ</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">ΧΑΤΖΗΔΑΚΗΣ ΚΩΝ/ΝΟΣ ΕΥΡΩ 53.000,000 ΕΘΝΙΚΗ</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">173. ΧΡΙΙΣΤΟΦΙΛΟΠΟΥΛΟΥ ΠΑΡΑΣΚΕΥΗ (ΕΥΗ) ΕΥΡΩ 359.000,000 ΕΜΠΟΡΙΚΗ</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">174. ΧΡΥΣΟΧΟΙΔΗΣ ΜΙΧΑΗΛ ΣΥΖΥΓΟΣ ΕΥΡΩ 90.000,000 ING</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">ΧΡΥΣΟΧΟΙΔΗΣ ΜΙΧΑΗΛ ΣΥΖΥΓΟΣ ΕΥΡΩ 341.724,000</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">175. ΧΥΤΗΡΗΣ ΤΗΛΕΜΑΧΟΣ ΕΥΡΩ 148.319,570 ΕΘΝΙΚΗ</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">ΧΥΤΗΡΗΣ ΤΗΛΕΜΑΧΟΣ ΕΥΡΩ 200.000,000 ΕΘΝΙΚΗ</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">ΧΥΤΗΡΗΣ ΤΗΛΕΜΑΧΟΣ ΣΥΖΥΓΟΣ ΕΥΡΩ 107.221,080 ΕΘΝΙΚΗ</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br class="kix-line-break" /></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: orange; font-family: Arial; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">ΧΥΤΗΡΗΣ ΤΗΛΕΜΑΧΟΣ ΣΥΖΥΓΟΣ ΕΥΡΩ 120.000,000 ΕΘΝΙΚΗ</span></span></span></h3>
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M. Η. Μ.http://www.blogger.com/profile/14367284148351582033noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-7420399030365885847.post-12460417273312836542015-05-26T09:28:00.005-07:002015-05-26T09:28:51.931-07:00A Net Assessment of Europe <div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white;">Last week I began this series with a <a href="https://www.stratfor.com/weekly/net-assessment-world" style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; outline: none; text-decoration: none;">Net Assessment of the World</a>, in which I focused on the growing destabilization of the Eurasian land mass. This week I continue the series, which will ultimately analyze each region in detail, with an analysis of Europe. I start here, rather than in the Middle East, because while the increasing successes of the Islamic State are significant, the region itself is secondary to Europe in the broader perspective. The Middle East matters, but Europe is as economically productive as the United States and, for the past 500 years, has been the force that has reshaped the world. The Middle East matters a great deal; European crises can destabilize the world. What happens between Greece and Germany, for example, can have consequences in multiple directions. Therefore, since we have to start somewhere, let me start with Europe.</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white;">Europe is undergoing two interconnected crises. The first is the crisis of the European Union. The bloc began as a system of economic integration, but it was also intended to be more than that: It was to be an institution that would create Europeans. The national distinctions between European nations is real and has proved destabilizing, since Europe has been filled with nations with diverging interests and historical grudges. The EU project did not intend to abolish these nations; the distinctions and tensions were too deep. Rather it was intended to overlay national identities with a European identity. There would be nations and they would retain ultimate sovereignty, but the citizens of these nations would increasingly come to see themselves as Europeans. That European identity would both create a common culture and diminish the particularity of states. The inducement to all of Europe was prosperity and peace. The European Union would create ongoing prosperity, which would eliminate the danger of conflict. The challenge to Europe in this sense was that prosperity is at best cyclical, and it is regional. Europe is struggling with integration because without general prosperity, the seduction of Europeans away from the parochial allure of nations will fail. Therefore, the crisis of the European Union, focused on the European Peninsula, is one of the destabilizing forces. </span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white;">I use the term European Peninsula to denote the region that lies to the west of a line drawn from St. Petersburg to Rostov-on-Don, becoming increasingly narrow until it reaches Iberia and the Atlantic Ocean. France, Germany and Italy are on the peninsula, with its river systems of the Danube and Rhine. To the line’s east is Russia. Whereas the peninsula is intimately connected with the oceans and is therefore engaged in global trade, Russia is landlocked. It is very much land constrained, with its distant ports on the Pacific, the Turkish straits its only outlet to the Mediterranean, and its Baltic and Arctic access hampered by ice and weather. On the peninsula, particularly as you move west, no one is more than a few hundred miles from the sea. Russia, reliant upon land transportation, which is more difficult and expensive than maritime trade, tends to be substantially poorer than the peninsula. </span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white;">The second crisis rests in the strategic structure of Europe and is less tractable than the first. Leaving aside the outlying islands and other peninsulas that make up Europe, the Continent’s primordial issue is the relationship between the largely unified but poorer mainland, dominated by Russia, and the wealthier but much more fragmented peninsula. Between Russia and the peninsula lies a borderland that at times as has been under the control of Russia or a peninsular power or, more often, divided. This borderland is occasionally independent and sovereign, but this is rare. More often, even in sovereignty, it is embedded in the spheres of influence of other countries. The borderland has two tiers: the first and furthest east is Belarus, Ukraine and portions of the Balkans, while the second consists of Poland, the Czech Republic, Slovakia, Hungary, Romania and Bulgaria. After World War II, Russia’s power extended to the second tier and beyond. After the collapse of the Soviet Union, these countries became sovereign, and the influence of the peninsula moved eastward as two peninsular institutions, the European Union and NATO, absorbed the second tier. As this happened, and the Baltics were included with the second tier, Belarus and particularly Ukraine became the dividing line and buffer.</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white;">Two things must be noted here. First, it was the existence of the European Union that gave the peninsula a framework for eastward expansion. NATO, in many ways, became moribund as it lost its rationale after the Cold War. However, in the years after Soviet collapse, the European Union was dynamic and seemed destined to unite the peninsula. As Soviet power collapsed and European power seemed to expand, the European Union provided a united framework for expansion and an attractive option for newly sovereign nations in the borderland.</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white;">Second, Russia was in a state of systemic shock in the 1990s. It was a period of chaos, characterized by the complete loss of both controls and plans. It was almost as though Russia was unconscious. From the European and American points of view, this was the new normal in Russia. In fact, it was inevitable that this was merely a transitory state. The single institution that historically had held Russia together was the secret police. In a poor country with minimal communications and transportation, the ability of the center to control the periphery is limited. The institution of an efficient security system would be indispensable if Russia were to avoid fragmentation. From the Czars onward, this is what held Russia together. It followed that when the first shock of collapse passed, the security apparatus would reassert itself and stabilize Russia. It was not the personality of Vladimir Putin that mattered; if not for him, another leader would have emerged and halted the disintegration of the Russian economy and polity.</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white;">This process inevitably led Russia to restructure itself, within the limits of its diminished power. The effort included an attempt to both stabilize the country’s economy and reassert its geopolitical interests, first in the Caucasus and then in Ukraine. Without a buffer in the eastern peninsula, Russia lacks strategic depth, and it has only been this strategic depth that has saved it from peninsular invasions in the past. Therefore, any attempt to stabilize Russia would necessitate a look westward to the borderlands, where the second tier was completely lost and even the Baltics had become part of the peninsular system, and an interpretation of eastern expansion as an existential threat to Russia.</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white;">The European Union’s position was that the Continent’s growing integration was completely benign. That might well have been the subjective intention of the Europeans, but the Russians saw something they had never seen before: integrated institutions, with ambitions among some members to become a federation of nation-states that might go well beyond economics. There had been sufficiently ample discussion of European defense systems and federation to cause concern in Moscow. Without buffers, a united Europe with a shifted intent might well pose an existential threat to Russia. This was particularly the case because the United States held a vague alliance with the Europeans and shared the fear of Russia’s power re-emerging.</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white;">Russia's Resurgence and Europe's Crisis</span></span></h3>
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<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white;">In 2008, two critical things happened. First, and less important, was the Russian war with Georgia that demonstrated—more than reality might require—the re-emergence of Russia as a significant and capable regional power. Second, and more important, the economic crisis triggered by the American sub-prime mortgage crisis led to the gradual fragmentation of European unity, causing a massive divergence of interests. The eastern movement of European influence, supported by the United States, continued in spite of the crisis. The Russians were forced to counter and were less concerned about the consequences. </span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white;">The European crisis was simple, at its core. Germany had the fourth-largest economy in the world. It derived over 50 percent of its income from exports, half of which went to the European free trade zone. In addition, using its substantial influence, the euro maximized the interest of the European economy as a whole. Given the size of the German economy, it is only a slight overstatement to assert that its economic needs defined Europe’s economy. The euro helped stabilize and sustain German growth, as did the regulations created by Brussels. This limited entrepreneurial behavior in countries where low wages ought to have been the impetus for growth. Instead, these countries became opportunities for German investment.</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white;">All of this was bearable before 2008, because since EU members signed the Treaty of Maastricht in 1992, which led to a common currency, they had seen a period of extraordinary prosperity. A rising tide floats all ships. But in 2008, a routine financial crisis (from the standpoint of a century) tore apart the fabric of the peninsula. During any economic crisis, the most important question is who shall bear the burden, the creditors or debtors? Broadly speaking, Europe split along these lines. Germany was the peninsula’s major creditor. Southern Europe was its major debtor. Leaving aside the moral posturing over who committed what injustice against whom, the Germans insisted on austerity. International institutions, including the International Monetary Fund, aligned with Germany.</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white;">The interests of the European Peninsula diverged into four parts: those of Germanic Europe (Germany, Austria and, to some extent, the Czech Republic); Mediterranean Europe; the eastern frontier of the European Union; and the rest of northern Europe.</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white;">Germany has an overwhelming interest in the European Union and its free trade zone. It is an inherently weak nation, as are all countries that are dependent on exports. Germany's well-being depends on its ability to sell its products. If blocked by an economic downturn among its customers or political impediments to exports, Germany faces a declining economy that can create domestic social crises. Germany must do everything it can to discipline the European Union without motivating its members to leave. (The issue is not leaving the euro, but placing limits on German exports.) Thus Germanic Europe is walking a fine line. It is an economic engine of Europe, but also extremely insecure. Given the fragmentation in the European Union, it must reach out to others, particularly Russia, for alternatives. Russia is not an alternative in itself, but in a bad situation it could be part of a solution if Germany could craft one. This is, of course, a worst-case scenario, but the worst case is often the reality in Europe in the long run.</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white;">Southern Europe is seeking a path that will allow it to escape catastrophic austerity in a Europe that seems unable to generate significant economic growth. If that does not save Southern European nations, they must decide, in simplest terms, whether they are better off defaulting on debt than paying it. While Germany is currently inclined not to force them to this point, it is emerging on its own. This is the fundamental reality of Europe: Germany wants to save the free trade zone, but without absorbing Europe’s bad debts. Southern Europe needs to shift its burden and will eventually reconsider the viability of free trade, though it has not yet done so. Just as there are limits on agricultural trade, why not create the same environment that the Germans enjoyed in the 1950s, when they were able to protect themselves from American industrial exports, thereby growing their industry with minimal competition?</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white;">Central and Eastern European countries are in a complex position with the European Union, since they are generally members that are not in the eurozone. But for most of them, the question of Russia’s power and intentions is more important than the Greek crisis. For the east, there is an awareness that Europe never did progress to a common foreign and defense policy and that the European Union cannot defend them against Russia. They are also aware that NATO cannot defend them, except with American involvement, which is coming in very measured and slow increases.</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white;">Then there is the fourth part of Europe, particularly France, which is supposed to be Germany’s equal in the European Union but has fallen behind in recent decades, as it did in the 19th century. France is as much part of Southern Europe as Greece, along with high unemployment in the south. And along with the Southern Europeans, who are facing problems in the Mediterranean and North Africa alongside their economic woes, France is not drawn east, nor is it comfortable with German policies, but it is being drawn in multiple directions on economic and strategic issues.</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white;">A Continent Divided</span></span></h3>
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<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white;">A continent drawn in multiple directions is the best description of the European Union, and one that gives the Russians some relief. The collapse of oil prices and Russia’s inability to turn oil income into a diverse and sustainable economy are inherently limiting factors on Russia’s power. In Ukraine, the Russians are experiencing the twin problems of a failure of intelligence and the limits of their military forces. Their intelligence failed to detect or manage events in Ukraine, from anticipating the fall of the government to understanding that there would be no general uprising in eastern Ukraine. Russia’s military never invaded anything, albeit that Russia controlled and, to some degree, still controls warring militias. Russia was present in Crimea by treaty, and its minimal forces and operations in the east revealed both its aggressive intent and the limits of its power. The Russians did not do well in that campaign, nor in my view could they mount a successful invasion of Ukraine as a whole, given their limits on logistics and other capabilities.</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white;">But the Russians were saved by the fragmentation of the peninsula. The eastern Europeans wanted some definitive action from Europe. None came. Sanctions created pain, but they did not define Russia’s strategic policy. Thus, to the extent that the borderland has a patron, it is not Europe but the United States. The Germans have no desire to fundamentally alienate Russia over Ukraine. The French are torn in multiple directions and the Southern Europeans have no interest in non-EU issues aside from Muslim immigration. (This latter challenge, which solves problems of labor shortages but creates problems of immigration and some risk of terrorism, is important and a topic to which I will return in the future. Muslim immigration, however, does not threaten Europe's fundamental architecture, the elucidation of which is the purpose of a net assessment.)</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white;">The Net Assessment of Europe is that the Continent’s basic geographical split remains in place, and Russia still holds the weaker position. However, its relative strength has increased with the rise of divergent interests within the European Union, and its primary concern regarding the Continent is not Europe but the United States. Therefore, the crisis in the European Union will define the broader situation in Russia, and that fundamental crisis appears insoluble within the current framework of discussion. The discussion will move from debt and repayment to the creation of a sustainable European Union in which Germany may not get to export all it wants but must accept limits on its prosperity relative to its partners. Since politics makes that unlikely, the fragmentation of the peninsula will increase, and with it, Russia’s relative power will rise, drawing in the United States.</span></span></div>
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M. Η. Μ.http://www.blogger.com/profile/14367284148351582033noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-7420399030365885847.post-1802622522109829742015-05-25T19:29:00.006-07:002015-05-25T19:29:40.701-07:00New York Times Magazine: A Finance Minister Fit for a Greek Tragedy?<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<span style="font-size: large;">Yanis Varoufakis knows when he will go. “I’m not going to humiliate myself, and I’m not going to become compromised in terms of principles and in terms of logic,” he told me in early May. The Greek finance minister had just returned to Athens from a hopscotch tour of European capitals, during which he warned his fellow European leaders that they faced a Continental crisis: If they didn’t lend money to his ailing country soon, Greece might end up forced to leave the eurozone. And yet Greece wouldn’t accept many of the conditions they were demanding in return. He sounded angry. “I’ll be damned if I will accept another package of economic policies that perpetuate this same crisis. This is not what I was elected for.” He would resign, he said, rather than push the Greek people deeper into economic despair: “It’s not good for Europe, and it’s not good for Greece.”</span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000;">Varoufakis has been Greece’s finance minister for only four months, but the story of how he has thrown Europe into turmoil is one many years in the making. After Greece joined the European Union’s monetary union in 2001, the tiny country of 10 million was flooded with money from elsewhere on the Continent. Over the course of the next decade, Greek leaders, whose sclerotic and corrupt economy had long been rife with patronage and tax evasion, borrowed billions from imprudent European banks and then lied to E.U. officials about its mounting debts. When the financial crisis finally rolled into Greece in 2009 and 2010, the country was an estimated $430 billion in debt, a staggering figure that imperiled the economic health of its near and distant neighbors — indeed, all of Europe. The European Commission, International Monetary Fund and the European Central Bank (often referred to as the troika) agreed to bail out the sinking economy by loaning it $146 billion. In return, as Athenians rioted in the streets in protest, the government promised the troika it would reduce state spending by slashing pensions and wages, eliminating jobs and raising taxes, an approach to debt reduction known as “austerity.”</span></div>
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That bailout, along with another, even larger rescue in 2012, temporarily buoyed Greece, but the spending cuts have produced what many Greeks consider to be a humanitarian crisis. Twenty-five percent of the country’s population is unemployed; Greece’s gross domestic product has shrunk by a quarter; suicides and homelessness have increased; hospitals, woefully underfunded, scrounge for medicines. Just this month, Varoufakis warned that the country could run out of money in weeks.Photo</div>
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Yanis VaroufakisCreditLuca Locatelli/Institute, for The New York Times</div>
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In successive elections after the crisis, both dominant political parties — Pasok and New Democracy ruled Greece for the last 40 years — failed to transform the Greek economy or protect its people. In January, more than a third of the electorate voted into power the Coalition of the Radical Left, a collection of older leftist parties now known as Syriza, which pledged to end austerity. Its ascendance amounted to a kind of democratic revolution. Its victory, however, threatened an ominous evolution for the eurozone: The rise of a “radical” party in the region has frightened conservative and centrist European leaders facing anger at home amid declining living standards. And while most of Syriza’s officials, including its leader, Prime Minister Alexis Tsipras, want to stay in the eurozone, as much as a third of Syriza’s membership would be willing to abandon the euro to avoid more austerity. It’s an outcome more likely than ever before, and its consequences are frightening and unknowable.</div>
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The European Union has been a project in the making since the end of World War II, but its monetary union, the eurozone, is only 16 years old. There is no agreement on what might happen if a country were to leave it. A result could be catastrophe, especially for Greece itself, which would have to return to its former currency, a drachma vastly reduced in value. Banks could close, savings evaporate, businesses collapse, medicine and petroleum and all sorts of other goods become impossible to import. The uncertainty alone — could Greek companies or the state pay its bills? — would scare off foreign investment. Globally, meanwhile, the markets fluctuate every time bad news comes out of Greece.</div>
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Whether the eurozone as a whole is now prepared for these sorts of disruptions, as some experts believe, Greece’s official creditors, some of which are European governments, would still have to absorb losses. And the symbolic and moral failure of a union and monetary zone designed to prevent ethnic conflict and ensure prosperity for all European citizens would be incalculable. If the “Grexit” comes to pass, could Spain be the next country to leave? Could Italy? Without the Parthenon, without La Sagrada Familia, without the Colosseum, what is a European “union”?</div>
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These concerns clouded Syriza’s triumph, and in February the party faced the disheartening task of somehow wrenching a new agreement from Europe. During the campaign, Syriza promised its voters a range of seeming impossibilities that ran directly counter to the political realities inside the European Union. Austerity would end; the next installment toward paying off the second bailout would not happen; above all, dignity would be restored. At the same time, Syriza was now vowing to remain in the euro. As someone joked to me, Syriza essentially hoped that 1 plus 2 could equal 4. To negotiate an agreement that might accomplish this seemingly impossible outcome, Tsipras decided to send a pugnacious economist named Yanis Varoufakis.</div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000;">It was a startling choice. Varoufakis is neither a politician nor a banker by training. He has been one of the most visible and vociferous critics of the Greek government, the European establishment and the Greek-European bailout. Imagine that President Obama had, instead of picking Timothy Geithner to be his Treasury secretary in the midst of the financial crisis, appointed a progressive academic economist like Paul Krugman or Joseph Stiglitz, only edgier and funnier, someone who had spoken out scathingly against bank bailouts, freely expressing himself however he wanted on television and in public debates because he wasn’t running for office. His popularity was undeniable, though. When Syriza did put Varoufakis on the ballot for Parliament in January, despite the fact that he was living in Austin, Tex., at the time, he won more votes than any other candidate.</span></div>
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Four months into his political tenure, Varoufakis is at the center of a contest that could determine the entire Continent’s future. No deal between Greece and the domineering center of European authority has been reached. Varoufakis finds himself struggling to hold on to his principles, what he calls the “red lines” that prevent him, in his mind, from becoming like every other Greek politician before him. Those ideals risk bringing more hardship to Greece, but Varoufakis has staked his academic integrity on a particular economic and moral critique of the crisis. To what, to whom, does he presently owe his ultimate responsibility?</div>
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“For the people who are now 15, 16, 17 years old, to have a chance by the time they are 20 — this is what matters,” he told me this month. “There’s no doubt that this economy now is far worse off in the last two months as a result of our hard bargaining.” He described that change as a trade-off, an investment in a better future. “And an investment always involves a short-term cost,” he said.</div>
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I asked him about that short-term cost. Is he worried about the Greek economy today?</div>
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“Terrified,” he said. “Terrified and aghast.”</div>
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Economic crises in modern countries are not always easy to see; the suffering doesn’t reveal itself everywhere. Athens is a cafe civilization. Its streets are lined with tables that in springtime, when the sun is pale yellow and soft, are full of people. The vitality of the scene might cause a visitor to wonder: what financial crisis? Where is the emergency? Shops are still open, crowds flow from the Metro exits, automobile traffic clogs the streets. The Acropolis still stands.</div>
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Only someone who lives in Greece can look at that busy restaurant and tell you that a souvlaki and soda costs only $5; that the college graduate sits outside for hours because he is unemployed and has no future; that the elderly man sitting with him lost his pension and has been nursing that same beer all day. A few minutes from the tourist center of the city, the streets are desolate, the stores boarded up; farther out, much of Athens is grim and poor. According to one Greek political theorist, the recession in Greece has reached a level “unseen in a Western country since the 1930s.” Anthony Kefalas, a former adviser to the Hellenic Federation of Enterprises, a business lobby, told me that if something isn’t done soon, “an entire generation in Greece will never be employed.” Hospitals and universities have been ravaged; the economics Ph.D. program that Varoufakis ran at the University of Athens, for example, now barely keeps going.</div>
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The finance ministry itself was deserted when I visited Varoufakis in February. Few people seemed to be working there, except for a guard sitting sleepily outside a bank of elevators and a woman smiling behind a desk in the hall. Wires hung from cracked panels in the ceiling; a parched fern wilted in the corner. Varoufakis did not have a staff yet. When he first moved into the ministry, there was no computer in his office, and the Internet didn’t work. He had a press person of sorts — who told me to text “Yanis” directly for appointments.</div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000;">After a while, Yanis found me in the waiting room. “I’m just going to come out here and get you myself,” he said. Polite and full of energy, Varoufakis took me inside to his office, whose windows directly face the Parliament building across Syntagma Square, the nucleus of the city. The view, especially with the angelic Athenian light, was better than the space, which was bereft of personal effects and ached with the drabness of ’70s-era bureaucracy. Someone later told me that the only change to the office during the last five years was that a hole in the window, caused, legend has it, by a bullet fired during a 2010 demonstration in the square, had been fixed. A flat-screen TV mounted on the wall blared a Greek talk show.</span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000;">“Why is this on?” he said, punching at the remote-control buttons. “I hate TV. And I don’t know how to work this. See, I don’t know how to work my own television.” Varoufakis is almost always sardonic; when he seems to be poking fun at himself for not knowing how to work the television, it’s clear that it’s the television’s fault.</span></div>
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His office had been set up for a news crew, and wires and gadgets crisscrossed the floor — he was doing a lot of television. During his recent tour through European capitals, and lastly in Brussels, where he faced off against his European negotiating partners, Varoufakis stunned Europeans and Greeks with his reflexive defiance. Greece, he said, would no longer simply acquiesce to the austerity doctrine of the European Commission, the European Central Bank and the I.M.F. In fact, Varoufakis, who believes Greece should have been treated as a bankruptcy case, initially wanted the institutions to write off a portion of its debt, which amounted to some $262 billion. After many rounds of confrontation, Greece and its creditors agreed to extend the controversial second bailout, which came in 2012, and Greece was allowed to propose its own list of economic reforms.Photo</div>
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Varoufakis has remained popular at home amid criticism from Northern European countries.CreditLuca Locatelli/Institute, for The New York Times</div>
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On his Continental tour, Varoufakis also became a celebrity. The Europeans eyed Varoufakis as if his species had never swum in their lagoon. Epithets included “used-car salesman,” “hothead” and “nightclub bouncer,” and some wondered why he always had one hand in his pocket. They dwelled on his black leather jacket, his popped collar, the colors of his shirts, his shaved head. He was apparently a sex symbol, too. He rode a motorcycle. He worked out; he had charisma and cheekbones. He had a way of tilting his face down so that his eyes looked up from under his brow unnervingly: One image that circulated online depicted lasers shooting out of his eyes. His personal style was blunt; he disregarded the bloodless etiquette of European politicians. When the German finance minister, Wolfgang Schäuble, said at a news conference after their first meeting, “We have agreed to disagree,” Varoufakis replied, “We didn’t even agree to disagree, from where I’m standing,” and it was thrillingly clear that the Greek finance minister had never been a politician before. Some German comedians even made a video that depicted Varoufakis as a man of animalistic power, some sort of rock star who licks his motorcycle seat in one scene. Another scene includes footage of Varoufakis himself apparently giving the finger to Germany.</div>
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At home, “V Is for Varoufakis” posters hung in the windows of cafes. Greeks showered him with love, twittered over his looks, and wrote adoring satires of his glamorous life and wide-ranging talents. Varoufakis’s oldest friends were bewildered by the international fuss, but everyone I’ve spoken to who knew him before this ministerial turn says Varoufakis’s behavior on the European stage is typical: He’s outspoken, passionate and confident about his ideas. That, apparently, was the problem, because Varoufakis did not go to Europe merely to negotiate Greece’s future. He had bigger ideas. He wanted to show the Europeans how to save Europe itself.</div>
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Varoufakis’s wife, Danae Stratou, invited me over one evening to their apartment near the Acropolis. It was located in a turn-of-the-century building that belonged to Stratou’s mother — the family once owned the largest textile company in Greece — and Varoufakis and Stratou lived on the first floor. (They have since moved.) It was not large and had a small balcony off the back. A bookshelf by the Israeli industrial designer Ron Arad hung on one wall, and Stratou’s artworks were on display throughout. One piece, a large photograph of hooded crimson scarecrows, arms outstretched and leaning in a lush Kashmir field, reminded me of the prisoner photos from Abu Ghraib. Around the time I visited, the apartment achieved a measure of fame when it appeared in Paris Match magazine, whose photographs showed Varoufakis and Stratou smiling and eating fish. The scene came across as rather glitzy for a leftist politician, and Varoufakis told me he regretted the pictures. “Look, I know it sounds stupid, but I didn’t know what Paris Match was,” he said. “I don’t read these magazines.”</div>
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Stratou, who is beautiful and has wide, ice blue eyes, is a large-scale land artist; her first major work, “Desert Breath,” took nine months to construct and still exists in the Egyptian desert. After she and Varoufakis started dating in 2005, he began taking part in her art projects, including one that took them to borders around the world — between Israel and Palestine, Ethiopia and Eritrea, United States and Mexico — where dividing walls keep people apart. It sounded as if the couple had a fruitful collaborative relationship, and Stratou said Varoufakis’s only major concern about becoming the finance minister of Greece was the disruption it would bring to their life.</div>
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“He did it because he felt he had to morally be there,” Stratou said. “He was offered the chance to help his country. He feels extremely responsible to 10 million Greeks. And he has lost a lot of sleep over that. What I can see is that he is someone walking on a minefield. Every moment that passes, he doesn’t know what he’s going to step on.”</div>
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Varoufakis says he took the job because, after years of articulating a solution to the crisis, he said he felt he didn’t have a choice. “In the 1980s, I was incensed by apartheid. Some people could forget about it; I couldn’t forget about it. It’s not because I am morally superior, I just couldn’t forget about it. Similarly, in the case of the 2008 crisis, it was the idiocy of it: This was a crisis that was unnecessary.”</div>
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Varoufakis traces his political consciousness to his childhood in “the junta era” — the years when Greece was ruled by dictatorship. “It was very hard to avoid being political,” he said. “It was all around you.” His father, he said, was raised as “a liberal enlightenment person, not a left winger,” but when he immigrated to Greece from Cairo in the late 1940s, the royalist-communist civil war was underway. One day, the police roughed him up but said they would release him if he signed a denunciation of communism. “He said, ‘Look I am not a Buddhist, but I would never sign a denunciation of Buddhism,’ ” Varoufakis said. “He read Rousseau at 13 years old, and he knew about civil liberties.” He ended up in a concentration camp with communists — and joined the Communist Party, which made finding work nearly impossible. Eventually, he got a low-paying job as a personal assistant to the owner of a steel company, and today, at age 90, he is its chairman. Varoufakis’s mother, a biochemist, made “a pittance,” he said, because she was a woman. She became involved in the feminist movement in the 1970s. Varoufakis was also a political activist from a young age. When he began his career as an academic at the University of Essex, he said, his slogan became “subvert the dominant paradigm,” which some of his students later put on a T-shirt.</div>
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Varoufakis left England in 1988 to teach at the University of Sydney, where he began a series of conversations about the global economy with the economist Joseph Halevi, the two of them among academics in their field who contested the notion then popular that the world had entered a new phase of “perpetual growth,” what the former Federal Reserve chairman Ben Bernanke called the “great moderation.” After the crash, Varoufakis decided to put those ideas into a book for a popular audience titled, “The Global Minotaur,” which presented the world, and Europe, as perilously yoked to the fluctuations of the American economy. When the crisis finally reached Greece, Varoufakis began working with the British economist Stuart Holland and, later, the American economist James Galbraith, on a pamphlet titled, “A Modest Proposal,” which identified four major crises in Europe — in banking, public debt, underinvestment and social welfare — and proposed solutions to each. “Europe is fragmenting,” they wrote. “As this happens, human costs mount, and disintegration becomes an increasing threat. . . . The fallout from a eurozone breakup would destroy the European Union, except perhaps in name. And Europe’s fragmentation poses a global danger.”</div>
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He told me that he still felt that way. The crisis that began in 2007 was just as bad as the Great Depression that started in 1929, and it was far from over. “We need a New Deal for the globe,” he said, “at least for Europe.” But when he sought to make his case in interviews and speeches across Europe these past months as finance minister, while also mounting a moral argument for easing the suffering of Greece as well as other southern European countries, his European counterparts were exasperated. They were frightened, too, by the prospect of Varoufakis serving as inspiration for leftist movements elsewhere — especially in Spain, where Podemos, a leftist party led by activists who also oppose austerity policies, has made significant inroads. At the February meetings, the European financial leaders pushed back by insisting on austerity. Aristides Hatzis, a professor of philosophy in Athens, says that Varoufakis found himself “where no one was interested in life in the eurozone in the long term — they were only interested in specific details about the way Greece was going to pay its debt.” Because Varoufakis is clever, Hatzis says, he adjusted to this reality and changed course. He was also forced to make many concessions.</div>
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The American economist Joseph Stiglitz, a Nobel Prize winner, describes Varoufakis’s situation as “absolutely impossible.” “There is an obsession among policy-making economists in Germany about fiscal balance,” he says, “compared to unemployment, inequality, economic growth, financial stability.” When Greece received its first bailout in 2010, the Europeans insisted on severe austerity while predicting that Greece’s gross domestic product would shrink by only 4 percent. Over five years it shrank 25 percent. (Stiglitz says that he tells his students that if their economic models and forecasts were that bad, he would give them an F.) By 2011, according to Stiglitz, the European leaders admitted they needed a new strategy. “They never delivered,” Stiglitz told me. “In a way, Europe has reneged on their promises over and over again, and Yanis and this new government have to pick up the pieces.”</div>
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When I met Varoufakis in late March, his popularity remained buoyant, at least on the street, despite the increasingly caustic criticism of him at home and abroad. It was a gray Sunday morning in Athens, and only a few men sat in cafes drinking coffee and smoking. “Keep going, Yanis,” said a taxi driver as we walked to a cafe near the Acropolis. “Good job,” another said. Varoufakis smiled and thanked them. Before turning inside, a man stopped him and shook his hand. I asked if it was always like this. He said, “Yes, all the time.”</div>
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That weekend, the Greeks and Europeans still hadn’t settled on the reforms. No money had been released. Two teams of negotiators, in Athens and Brussels, were desperately trying to work out the agreement. Syriza was scouring even university bursaries for cash. Weeks before, the party entered into an ugly nationalist squabble with Germany: Syriza politicians began demanding reparations for damages done during Nazi Germany’s occupation of Greece in World War II, prompting the accusation that they were trying to deflect attention from Greece’s own economic failures.</div>
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In a situation like this, a government could pursue right-wing reforms like privatization or left-wing reforms like going after wealthy tax evaders. Syriza had done neither. I asked Varoufakis why.</div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000;">“When?” he said. Greece’s creditors had given the party no time to maneuver. “I have done nothing else for two months than to negotiate for the right to negotiate — to have this discussion. I still haven’t won that right. Which means everything we do has to go through this negotiating process.” He thinks the Europeans’ complaints are about something else. “They do not believe a little colonial outpost in the eurozone has a right to have an opinion about its own affairs and the eurozone.”</span></div>
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PhotoIt made some sense, however, that a new party in power for a mere two months might have been unprepared to figure out what was broken and how it could be fixed. He told me, for example, that it was impossible to know how much money the government could collect from tax evaders, and he didn’t want to lie. Yet the Greeks are frequently portrayed as “stalling.” Varoufakis says he wanted to limit the number of reforms to three or four that could immediately be put into effect, but the Europeans require a highly technical list of reforms that is now about 26 pages long.</div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000;">“Our critics will say we have been talking too much, but it isn’t our choice,” he said. “This is what the institutions want. This is what they’re doing as we speak.”</span></div>
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From the European point of view, Greece has no right at all to argue about reforms, so utterly did previous governments, after torpedoing their own economy, fail to implement them over the past five years. But Varoufakis and Syriza regard their election as a sort of “Day Zero” for Greece. “We are the guys who spent all our lives in Syntagma Square outside my office protesting what the people inside my office were doing,” Varoufakis said. “We were being bombarded with gas, because we didn’t see how we could repay a loan under the circumstances.” He compared himself to Margaret Thatcher, elected in 1979 in opposition to the welfare state. “How intelligent is it to blame Margaret Thatcher for the postwar corporatism that came before her?” he asked. “Not much. So what we have here is a serious case of deeply rooted racism that all Greeks are the same, that whether or not they protested the bailout, they are still responsible for it.”</div>
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At that moment, a tourist interrupted him. “Excuse me, can I take a photo with you?”</div>
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“No, not right now, thank you,” he replied, and turned back to me. “Hannah Arendt said that if one German died in Auschwitz resisting Hitler, you can’t say the German nation was responsible for Nazism. I believe in that. But that applies to the Greek people as well.”</div>
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His cellphone, which had been ringing constantly throughout our talk, went off again; this time it was Prime Minister Tsipras, presumably calling from Brussels. After finishing the call, he needed to go. I asked how the weekend’s negotiations were going so far.</div>
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“I don’t know,” he said, his voice inflecting as if he, too, were curious. “It’s a political decision. It has nothing to do with these discussions. The question is: Have they decided to throw us out of the eurozone? I am not going to pay the I.M.F. and not pay pensions in the next few weeks. So I said to them: ‘Decide. Do you want this to be a proper bargaining round, or do you want this to be a post-mortem?’ ”</div>
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I suggested that maybe this is why he’s accused of brinkmanship.</div>
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“It’s not brinkmanship. It’s the truth. They want me to fold. That’s brinkmanship on their part. I am not going to fold on pensions.”</div>
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Syriza’s opponents in Greece wonder if Tsipras and Varoufakis have already failed. They were naïve, the critics contend, to believe that they could extract huge concessions from the Europeans, and they will end up with the same bailout terms as before and an economy in even worse shape. In that case, Greece could be subjected to a fifth year of austerity. If Greece seeks a third bailout in June, as even Varoufakis assumes it will, it’s hard to imagine Europe, basking in triumph, would relent on any of its conditions.</div>
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Varoufakis says that he has done what the Europeans have asked of him. He is proud, even, of the compromises Syriza has made, which include privatizations of some state assets, like the port of Piraeus, and a delay in raising the minimum wage. But he refuses to budge on maintaining pensions — slashing them has already brought considerable hardship to elderly Greeks — or on restoring collective bargaining rights, which would give workers more leverage in negotiating salaries. His greatest fear is that the Europeans may insist on what is in his eyes the worst measure of all: the maintenance of a 4.5 percent surplus, a stringent European stipulation from 2012 that preserves large state savings and cripples expenditures. The policy is the embodiment of austerity. For Varoufakis the economist and academic, this is very likely the red line that would be the hardest to cross, intellectually and professionally.</div>
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For Syriza, this is a question of democracy, Greek self-determination and the architecture of the European Union, in which member states don’t necessarily control their own fates. But as many critics have pointed out, the eurozone is not a place for rebelliousness or big ideas; it is a place of rules. And in that forum, Varoufakis has done poorly, says Daniel Gros, the director of the Center for European Policy Studies, a research firm based in Brussels. “He is unable to provide them with the kind of detailed proposals they are looking for,” Gros says, referring to the Europeans he believes were more sympathetic to Greece than Syriza claims. “They were fed up with the old status quo. They thought: O.K., maybe there is someone here who is tough talking but will deliver. And he hasn’t. The attitude is: You get money if we see something concrete.”</div>
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Syriza officials to the left of Varoufakis believe his mission was quixotic from the start. There is a sense that he and Tsipras were both too idealistic and too confident in their ability to persuade the Europeans to abandon an ideological policy they have promoted for years. “They really thought that they could get something substantial,” says Stathis Kouvelakis, a member of Syriza’s Left Platform, which represents a third of the party and believes, among other things, that leaving the euro is the only option for Greece. “There is a miscalculation from the outset. You have the iron cage of neoliberal policies that has to be defended at any cost, and Greece was the test case of that: Do what you are told to do or you will be punished. This will serve as a lesson to Podemos or any force in Europe that would dare contest its neoliberal austerity politics.”</div>
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In April, after newspapers reported that Varoufakis had been “sidelined” from the negotiations after finance ministers angrily insulted him at a meeting in Riga — reportedly calling him a gambler, an amateur and a time-waster — Varoufakis tweeted: “FDR, 1936: ‘They are unanimous in their hate for me; and I welcome their hatred.’ A quotation close to my heart (& reality) these days.”</div>
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According to Varoufakis, the tweet — he has more than 400,000 Twitter followers — was directed not at his fellow finance ministers, but at journalists. “The media went into a frenzy of obfuscations and lies, which I am sure they are not entirely responsible for,” he said. “It seems as if there were leaks from within that were disconnected from the reality of what happened. All these reports that I was abused, that I was called names, that I was called a time-waster and all that: Let me say that I deny this with every fiber of my body.” (He says he taped the meeting but cannot release the tape because of confidentiality rules.)</div>
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Nonetheless, he said, he and the prime minister decided that they should reshuffle the teams to adjust to the current climate and the narrative that dominated the media, even though he denies that he was “sidelined.” He represented Greece as usual at the next round of negotiations. “This is a narrative that feeds on itself,” he said. “It’s completely disconnected from reality, but it’s a parallel reality, a Goebbels-like propaganda style that has a wonderful capacity to change the atmosphere.”</div>
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He described himself as simply the “lightning rod.” He knew how difficult the job would be. “I take it all in stride. I would have been down in the dumps and upset, maybe even panicking, but I was expecting it. So it’s O.K.” Strangers on the streets of Athens, he says, still call out messages of support. “What they are starved of is a government that they can be proud of,” he said. “We are not particularly concerned about retaining our positions. So that destabilizes the other side. They are used to politicians who are really keen to maintain their positions. And we’re not that keen. We don’t care. We want to do the right thing, and if we can’t do the right thing, we’ll go.”</div>
</span><br /><span style="font-size: x-small;"><span style="background-color: #660000;"><br />Suzy Hansen is a contributing writer for the magazine. She is working on a book about living in Istanbul.</span></span></span><div>
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M. Η. Μ.http://www.blogger.com/profile/14367284148351582033noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-7420399030365885847.post-28987131263799398162015-05-25T19:20:00.000-07:002015-05-26T09:36:31.764-07:00The Heat Is on Greece’s Alexis Tsipras, From Inside and Out<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<span style="background-color: #660000; font-family: georgia, 'times new roman', times, serif; line-height: 1.4375rem;"><span style="color: white;"><span class="byline" itemprop="author creator" itemscope="" itemtype="http://schema.org/Person" style="font-family: nyt-cheltenham-sh, georgia, 'times new roman', times, serif; font-size: 0.6875rem; font-weight: 700; line-height: 0.75rem;">By <span class="byline-author" data-byline-name="NIKI KITSANTONIS" itemprop="name">NIKI </span></span></span></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: white;">KITSANTONIS </span><br />
<span style="background-color: #660000; color: white;">MAY 24, 2015</span><br />
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<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white;">ATHENS — With <a href="http://topics.nytimes.com/top/news/international/countriesandterritories/greece/index.html?inline=nyt-geo">Greece</a> in the final stretch of negotiations with its creditors, aimed at unlocking rescue loans the country needs to avert an imminent default, Prime Minister <a href="http://topics.nytimes.com/top/reference/timestopics/people/t/alexis_tsipras/index.html?inline=nyt-per">Alexis Tsipras</a> faces growing pressure from the ranks of his own party.</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white;">After weeks of simmering dissent among the more radical elements of his leftist Syriza party, Mr. Tsipras on Sunday faced his biggest challenge from within the party since taking office in January. A faction known as the Left Platform proposed that <a href="http://topics.nytimes.com/top/news/international/countriesandterritories/greece/index.html?inline=nyt-geo">Greece</a> stop paying its creditors if they continue with “blackmailing tactics” and instead seek “an alternative plan” for the debt-racked country.</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white;">The proposal came as the interior minister, Nikos Voutsis, told Greek television that Athens would not be able to make debt repayments of 1.6 billion euros, or nearly $1.8 billion, that are due next month to the<a href="http://topics.nytimes.com/top/reference/timestopics/organizations/i/international_monetary_fund/index.html?inline=nyt-org">International Monetary Fund</a>, one of Greece’s three international creditors.</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white;">“The money won’t be given,” Mr. Voutsis said. “It isn’t there to be given.” </span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white;">That Mr. Tsipras’s more moderate stance prevailed represented a small victory for the prime minister. But the strong support for the Left Platform’s proposal indicates that Mr. Tsipras faces a difficult balancing act as he tries to seal a deal with creditors and bring it to Parliament.</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white;">Syriza came to power on a promise to take a hard line with creditors in debt negotiations and resist the type of austerity measures that are blamed for driving up unemployment to 25 percent and slashing household incomes by a third. But Mr. Tsipras has had to soften his approach as he has worked for months to reach an agreement with the country’s three international creditors — the I.M.F., the<a href="http://topics.nytimes.com/top/reference/timestopics/organizations/e/european_commission/index.html?inline=nyt-org">European Commission</a> and the <a href="http://topics.nytimes.com/top/reference/timestopics/organizations/e/european_central_bank/index.html?inline=nyt-org">European Central Bank</a> — and unlock €7.2 billion in bailout funds that Greece needs to meet debt repayments over the summer and remain solvent.</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white;">His challenge now is to keep the backing of a majority of Syriza’s party officials and legislators as he moves ahead.</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white;">In a speech to the central committee on Saturday, Mr. Tsipras told party officials that Greece was “in the final stretch of negotiations.” He said he would not submit to creditors’ “irrational demands” on <a href="http://topics.nytimes.com/top/reference/timestopics/subjects/v/valueadded_tax/index.html?inline=nyt-classifier">value-added tax</a>rates, further liberalization of the labor market and changes to the pension system — the main sticking points.</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white;">The party’s central committee on Sunday voted in favor of Greece reaching a “mutually beneficial deal” with creditors that was not based on further austerity measures.</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white;">Such a deal, the committee said, should set low targets for Greece’s primary budget surplus, avoid further cuts to pensions and government salaries, restructure Greece’s debt and introduce a strong investment plan to help the country emerge from years of recession. The text of the decision did not rule out halting payments to creditors, “if things reach a marginal point.”</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white;">Mr. Lafazanis, the Left Platform leader, suggested that the impact of Greece’s exit from the eurozone could be manageable. “Who says an exit from the euro and return to the national currency would be catastrophic?” he said, adding that the government should start preparing Greeks for the possibility of an “alternative solution” to avert the imposition of new austerity measures and privatization of government assets.</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white;">The growing resistance from within Syriza comes as Wolfgang Schäuble, the German finance minister, has taken a harder line on Greece, insisting that the country commit to reforms in return for the funds and refusing to rule out the possibility that Greece could default on its debt.</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white;">In the meantime, more voices have been added to the discussions about a possible Greek exit from the eurozone. Over the weekend, Alan Greenspan, the former Federal Reserve chairman, said it was only a matter of time before Greece left the euro, while Warren E. Buffett, the billionaire investor, indicated that the euro could benefit from a Greek exit.</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white;">A version of this article appears in print on May 25, 2015, on page B1 of the New York edition with the headline: Heat Is on Greece’s Leader, From Allies and Adversaries.</span></span></div>
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M. Η. Μ.http://www.blogger.com/profile/14367284148351582033noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-7420399030365885847.post-33377615765512864822015-05-25T19:11:00.000-07:002015-05-25T19:13:43.627-07:00ΤΗΕ ΝEW YORK ΤIMES: With Money Drying Up, Greece Is All but Bankrupt<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white;"><span class="byline" itemid="http://topics.nytimes.com/top/reference/timestopics/people/t/landon_jr_thomas/index.html" itemprop="author creator" itemscope="" itemtype="http://schema.org/Person" style="font-family: nyt-cheltenham-sh, georgia, 'times new roman', times, serif; font-weight: 700; line-height: 0.75rem;">By <a href="http://topics.nytimes.com/top/reference/timestopics/people/t/landon_jr_thomas/index.html" rel="author" style="text-decoration: none;" title="More Articles by LANDON THOMAS Jr."><span class="byline-author" data-byline-name="LANDON THOMAS Jr." itemprop="name">LANDON THOMAS Jr.</span></a></span><time class="dateline" datetime="2015-05-25" style="font-family: nyt-cheltenham-sh, georgia, 'times new roman', times, serif; line-height: 0.75rem; margin-left: 12px;">MAY 25, 2015</time></span></span><br />
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<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white;"><img src="http://static01.nyt.com/images/2015/05/26/business/26greekdebt-web1/26greekdebt-web1-master675.jpg" /><br />ATHENS — Bulldozers lie abandoned on city streets. Exhausted surgeons operate through the night. And the wealthy bail out broke police departments.<br /><br />A nearly bankrupt <a href="http://topics.nytimes.com/top/news/international/countriesandterritories/greece/index.html?inline=nyt-geo">Greece</a> is taking desperate measures to preserve cash. Absent a last-minute deal with its creditors, the nation will run out of money early next month.<br /><br />Two weeks ago, Greece nearly defaulted on a debt payment of 750 million euros, or about $825 million, to the <a href="http://topics.nytimes.com/top/reference/timestopics/organizations/i/international_monetary_fund/index.html?inline=nyt-org">International Monetary Fund</a>.<br /><br />For the rest of this month, Greece should be able to cover daily cash deficits of around 100 million euros, government ministers say. Starting June 5, however, these shortfalls will rise sharply, to around 400 million euros as another I.M.F. obligation comes due. They will then double in size on June 8 and 9.<br /><br />“At that point it is all over,” said a senior Greek finance official who spoke on the condition of anonymity.<br /><a href="http://www.nytimes.com/2015/05/26/business/dealbook/with-money-drying-up-greece-is-all-but-bankrupt.html?_r=0#story-continues-2">Continue reading the main story</a><br /><br /><br />On Sunday, the interior minister, Nikos Voutsis, said that <a href="http://www.nytimes.com/2015/05/25/business/international/the-heat-is-on-greeces-alexis-tsipras-from-inside-and-out.html?ref=business">there would not be enough money to pay the I.M.F.</a> if there was no deal by June 5.Photo<br /><img src="http://static01.nyt.com/images/2015/05/26/business/26greekdebt-web2/26greekdebt-web2-articleLarge.jpg" /><br />“There are no free rides in this country anymore,” said Kostas Bakoyannis, 37, the governor of the Central Greece administrative region. “The old parties — they never spoke truth to the people. Now we have to live on what we can make and produce.”CreditEirini Vourloumis for The New York Times<br /><br />In a society that has lived off the generosity of the government for decades, the cash crisis has already had a shattering impact. Universities, hospitals and municipalities are struggling to provide basic services, and the country’s underfunded security apparatus is losing its battle against an influx of illegal immigrants.<br /><br />In effect, analysts say, Greece is already operating as a bankrupt state.<br /><br />The government’s call to conserve funds has been far-reaching.<br /><br />All embassies and consulates — as well as municipalities throughout the country — have been told to forward surplus funds to Athens.<br /><br />Hospitals and schools face strict orders not to hire doctors and teachers.<br /><br />And national security officials complain they are under intense pressure to keep air and sea missions to a minimum, at a time when migrants from Africa and the Middle East are rushing to Greece’s shores.<br /><br />Even the swelling ranks of investment bankers, lawyers and consultants advising the Finance Ministry have been told that, for now at least, their work is to be considered pro bono.<br /><br />Since its first bailout in 2010, Greece has been forced by its creditors to cut spending by €28 billion — quite a sum in a €179 billion economy. A proportional dose of austerity applied to the United States, for example, would come to $2.6 trillion.<br /><br />During the past six months, a period during which Greece has had its credit line revoked over disagreements with Europe regarding economic overhauls, the state has been forced to wield an even sharper knife.<br /><br />For a generation of Greek politicians who saw government spending (and borrowing) as a national birthright, the idea of deploying only the money at hand has been jarring.<br /><br />But for other Greeks who are eager to break from the country’s tradition of dispensing political favors to the well-connected, these years of imposed restraint have also provided a valuable lesson.<br /><br />“There are no free rides in this country anymore,” said Kostas Bakoyannis, 37, the governor of the Central Greece administrative region. “The old parties — they never spoke truth to the people. Now we have to live on what we can make and produce.”<br /><br />Mr. Bakoyannis was in the middle of a weeklong tour of the 25 municipalities that he oversees. He delivered this very message to the city elders of Thebes, a town of about 36,000 people, roughly 75 miles northwest of Athens.<br /><br />Although Mr. Bakoyannis was elected as an independent and is scathing about Greek politicians past and present, he himself is a scion of the country’s right-leaning New Democracy Party: A grandfather, Constantinos Mitsotakis, was a prime minister, and his mother, Dora, has been a senior minister in various governments.<a href="http://www.nytimes.com/2015/05/26/business/dealbook/with-money-drying-up-greece-is-all-but-bankrupt.html?_r=0#story-continues-6">Continue reading the main story</a><br />TIMELINE: GREEK DEBT CRISIS<br /><br />December 2009 <a href="http://www.nytimes.com/2009/12/15/world/europe/15greece.html">Credit ratings agencies downgrade Greece</a> on fears that it could default on its debt.<br />May 2010 Europe and Greece reach a <a href="http://www.nytimes.com/2010/05/03/business/global/03drachma.html">$146 billion rescue package</a>, conditional on austerity measures. Some economists say the <a href="http://www.nytimes.com/2010/05/03/world/europe/03austerity.html">required cuts could kill the patient</a>.<br />October 2011 Banks agree to take <a href="http://www.nytimes.com/2011/10/27/world/europe/german-vote-backs-bailout-fund-as-rifts-remain-in-talks.html">a 50 percent loss</a> on the face value of their Greek debt.<br />July 2012 Stocks soar after the head of the E.C.B. says policy makers will do <a href="http://www.nytimes.com/2012/07/27/business/global/ecb-president-talks-up-the-euro-and-lifts-stocks.html">''whatever it takes''</a> to save the euro zone.<br />January 2015 Greek <a href="http://www.nytimes.com/2015/01/26/world/europe/greek-election-syriza.html">voters choose an anti-austerity party</a>. <a href="http://www.nytimes.com/2015/01/27/business/international/after-vote-in-greece-alexis-tsipras-seeks-to-address-debt.html">Alexis Tsipras</a>becomes prime minister.<br />May 2015 Greece quells fears of an imminent default on its debts,<a href="http://www.nytimes.com/2015/05/12/business/international/greece-debt-talks-eurozone-finance-ministers.html">authorizing a big loan payment to the I.M.F.</a> It is not clear how much longer Greece can continue to scrape by.<br /><br /><br />As it is in many small towns here, the unemployment rate is higher than the national average of 25 percent. And while the trash is being collected, budget cuts of 50 percent leave room for little else.<br /><br />For about a year now, Thebes has been trying to complete a modest €2 million project to refurbish the town’s main street. But because the construction company has not been paid in more than a month, work has ground to a halt.<br /><br />An abandoned bulldozer gathering dust in the rubble of the road suggests that the project will not be completed anytime soon.<br /><br />What makes this work stoppage especially worrisome to Mr. Bakoyannis is that it is one of the many infrastructure projects in Greece that is backed by the <a href="http://topics.nytimes.com/top/reference/timestopics/organizations/e/european_union/index.html?inline=nyt-org">European Union</a>.<br /><br />Some 89 percent of Greece’s €6.5 billion investment budget is majority financed by Europe, meaning the government is paid back shortly after each outlay.<br /><br />Through the worst days of austerity, Mr. Bakoyannis explains, these investments — highways, bridges and ports, for example — had continued, as the government always knew it would be paid back in weeks.<br /><br />Since April 30, he says, the liquidity crisis in Athens has forced the government to stop payment on these initiatives as well, the first time in his memory that that has happened.<br /><br />“These projects are our lifeline,” said Mr. Bakoyannis, who has seen his infrastructure budget cut to €12 million from €65 million in the past four years. “It’s not about Keynesian politics anymore — it’s about finding enough money to repair a simple road.”<br /><br />Security experts say that well-to-do families in suburban pockets surrounding Athens are now supplying critical funds to local police departments.<br /><br />“It’s an increasing trend,” said Ioannis Michaletos, an analyst with the Institute for Security and Defense Analysis, a nonprofit group in Athens. “There is less money and a lot more work for the police to do.”<br /><br />Perhaps no other areas in Greece have felt the full force of the country’s cash drain than its state-funded universities and hospitals.<br /><br />At the University of Athens, the country’s largest educational institution and home to about 125,000 students, the annual operating budget has fallen to €10 million from about €40 million before the crisis.<br /><br />As for the hospitals, even though they are taking in twice as many patients now, their budgets have been cut to the bone. In the first four months of this year, health officials say that the 140 or so public hospitals in Greece received just €43 million from the state — down from €650 million during the same period last year.<br /><br />Sitting at his desk at the start of yet another 20-hour-plus workday, Theodoros Giannaros, the head of Elpis Hospital in Athens, chain-smoked cigarettes and signed off on a pile of spending requests that he said he knew would not be fulfilled.Photo<br /><img src="http://static01.nyt.com/images/2015/05/26/business/26greekdebt-web3/26greekdebt-web3-articleLarge.jpg" /><br />Theodoros Giannaros, the head of Elpis Hospital in Athens, said he recently suffered a heart attack from the constant stress of his job. But it is his surgeons he worries about most, he said. They are working extremely long days, and for less pay than they were earning just a few years ago. CreditEirini Vourloumis for The New York Times<br /><br />Since he started work at the hospital in 2010, Mr. Giannaros has seen his salary shrink to €1,200 a month, from €7,400. His annual budget, once €20 million, is now €6 million, and the number of practicing doctors has been reduced to 200 from 250.<br /><br />Like almost everyone in Greece, he is making do with less. The hospital recycles instruments; buys the cheapest surgical gloves on the market (they occasionally rip in the middle of operations, Mr. Giannaros says); and uses primarily generic drugs.<br /><br />“We have learned that we can live with a lot of money and survive with nothing,” he said. “Maybe the crisis makes us better people — but these better people will die if the crisis continues.”<br /><br />Mr. Giannaros, who is 58, says he recently suffered a heart attack from the constant stress. But he says it is his surgeons he worries about most.<br /><br />In aging, depression-ridden Greece, treating the 150 or so patients that come to his hospital each day has put an extraordinary strain on his shrinking corps of doctors.<br /><br />The fact that many have begun to strike because they are not getting paid for overtime makes matters worse.<br /><br />Striding across the hospital grounds, Mr. Giannaros waved over his star surgeon, Dimitris Tsantzalos.<br /><br />How many operations did you do last year, he asked.<br /><br />“About 1,500,” said Dr. Tsantzalos, who, with his strapping build, seems younger than his 63 years.<br /><br />Recently he says he put in a month of consecutive 20-hour days and, not surprisingly, confesses to exhaustion.<br /><br />“I am burnt out,” he said. “It’s very dangerous for the patients.”<br /><br />A week later, a tragedy struck Mr. Giannaros: His 26-year-old son, Patrick, committed suicide by jumping in front of an Athens subway train.<br /><br />“There was just an emptiness in front of him,” Mr. Giannaros said between wrenching sobs in a brief telephone conversation. “The emptiness of the future they have taken away from us.”<br /><br />His son had finished his university studies and, unable to find work in a country where more than half the young are jobless, was helping his father at the hospital.<br /><br />“He saw no future, no way to help his family,” Mr. Giannaros said. “Now God has found him a job — as an angel.”<br /><br />While Mr. Giannaros said he understood the importance of staying current with important creditors like the I.M.F., he said enough was enough.<br /><br />“They can take their money,” he said, using an expletive. “I feel ashamed to be a European.”<br /><br /><br />Pavlos Zafiropoulos and Niki Kitsantonis contributed </span></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: white;">reporting.</span><br />
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<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white;">http://www.nytimes.com/2015/05/26/business/dealbook/with-money-drying-up-greece-is-all-but-bankrupt.html</span></span><br />
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M. Η. Μ.http://www.blogger.com/profile/14367284148351582033noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-7420399030365885847.post-12297214436000074622015-05-21T10:22:00.001-07:002015-05-21T10:22:19.060-07:00Kurds abandon AKP<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white;">Kurdish demonstrators gesture as Selahattin Demirtas, co-chair of the HDP, Turkey's leading Kurdish party, addresses a crowd in Diyarbakir, Oct. 9, 2014. (photo by REUTERS/Osman Orsal)</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white;">With only weeks to go before Turkey’s June 7 general elections, the ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) is using every means to stop the pro-Kurdish People's Democracy Party (HDP) from passing the 10% threshold to enter parliament. The HDP, for its part, is bent on overcoming the barrier and spoiling President Recep Tayyip Erdogan’s dream of becoming an omnipotent, executive president. While campaigning on a brand-new platform of nationwide appeal, the HDP is resorting also to the oldest of vote-pulling methods.</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white;">To bolster the HDP, the Democratic Society Congress (DTK), created in 2007 as an umbrella organization for Kurdish political and civic groups, has been busy luring Kurdish tribes — and their block votes — to the HDP. As a result, many formally pro-AKP tribes have changed allegiances in recent weeks.</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white;">Traditional arbitration mechanisms have survived to date in Turkey’s eastern and southeastern regions, settling blood feuds and other disputes out of court. The DTK has transformed this tradition to a major tool of modern politics. Its social reconciliation and dialogue commissions — known also as “persuasion commissions” — are now working to attract rightist and conservative tribes to the leftist HDP camp.</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white;">Musa Farisoglu, the DTK member in charge of the commissions, told Al-Monitor that the commissions are made up of 15 to 21 members, including local notables from various walks of life, clerics and civil society activists.</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white;">Earlier this month, the <a href="http://www.radikal.com.tr/politika/batmanin_en_buyuk_asiretlerinden_raman_asireti_hdpye_katildi-1353566" style="text-decoration: none;" target="_blank">Raman tribe in Batman</a>, estimated to boast some 20,000 voters, made the headlines with a crowded ceremony that marked its shift to the HDP. The move was significant also because the tribe includes many village guards, a government-armed Kurdish militia that has backed the army against Kurdish rebels. Its leader, Faris Ozdemir, has served two parliamentary terms on the ticket of a center-right party.</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white;">The AKP took another blow in Batman as 300 people from the <a href="http://www.radikal.com.tr/politika/bakan_ekerin_300_akrabasi_hdpye_gecti-1352305" style="text-decoration: none;" target="_blank">Alpahanlar clan</a>, relatives of Agriculture Minister Mehdi Eker, the AKP’s Kurdish heavyweight, collectively joined the HDP. The Baravi tribe, which has about 2,000 voters, soon followed suit. The Alika tribe, the largest in Batman’s Besiri district, also joined the HDP, in what it said was a <a href="http://www.batmanhabergazete.com/alika-asireti-hdpye-gecti-6351h.htm" style="text-decoration: none;" target="_blank">protest against the AKP’s policies</a> on the Kurdish question.</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white;">In Baskale in Van province, the AKP’s entire district management <a href="http://www.zaman.com.tr/politika_akp-teskilati-toplu-olarak-hdpye-gecti_2293140.html" style="text-decoration: none;" target="_blank">resigned and joined the HDP</a>. The move came as a reaction to an AKP candidate who paid a condolence visit to a local family in the company of police, despite advice that such a move goes against local tradition, visited shopkeepers in the escort of riot police and attacked the HDP, saying the town would be “saved from those extortionists.”</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white;">In Suruc in Sanliurfa province, the Erdogan, Kilicaslan, Kalkan, Sahin and Boydan tribes staged crowded marches before joining the HDP. The <a href="http://www.radikal.com.tr/politika/hdp_asiretleri_nasil_ikna_etti-1354021" style="text-decoration: none;" target="_blank">entire local AKP leadership</a> that ran the party’s district office for 12 years is said to belong to those five clans.</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white;">In Kahta in Adiyaman province, <a href="http://t24.com.tr/haber/dengir-mir-mehmet-firatin-asireti-de-hdpye-gecti,296313" style="text-decoration: none;" target="_blank">12,000 members of the Turanli tribe</a>, which includes the daughter of a prominent tribal chief who was one of Mustafa Kemal Ataturk’s right-hand men in the Liberation War, also collectively joined the HDP. The Turanli tribe and many other conservative Kurds switching allegiances have been heavily influenced by Dengir Mir Mehmet Firat, a Kurdish co-founder of the AKP who is now running on the HDP ticket. Firat himself belongs to one of Turkey’s largest Kurdish tribes.</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white;">The HDP received a further boost in Siirt, where the <a href="http://www.diclehaber.com/tr/news/content/view/454470?page=8&key=36bf2cbe6a3cbb2d4c35e3e68640e9d4&from=1854043514" style="text-decoration: none;" target="_blank">Kiroyi tribe announced its support</a>, even though one of its own, Ali Ilbas, runs on the AKP ticket. The commissions managed to enlist the support also of the <a href="http://www.diclehaber.com/tr/news/content/view/451379?from=3337478030" style="text-decoration: none;" target="_blank">ethnic Arab Karajna tribe</a> in the Sanliurfa district of Ceylanpinar and a Turkmen village in Bozova.</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white;">According to Farisoglu, some clans have decided to back the HDP without publicly declaring their decision, including the Reskotan, Hamidi, Seyhan and Metina tribes. In addition, at least 40 headmen have agreed to join the party individually.</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white;">The tribes that have changed sides had served as strongholds for rightist and conservative parties for decades. The commissions’ persuasion methods and the targeted tribes themselves derive their clout from the power of traditions. The HDP’s success in using traditional methods to reach out to the tribes, involving the support of local mullahs, may come as a surprise, if not a contradiction, given the party’s innovative and bold vision on women’s rights, male-female co-chairmanship in all leadership posts, minority rights, education in the mother tongue and the settlement of the Kurdish question.</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white;">By persuading only the tribal chief, community leaders secure the backing of thousands of people. No doubt, this raises questions over democratic norms resting on the individual’s own will. Yet, there is a crucial difference here. Throughout Turkey’s recent political history, ruling parties or opposition parties vying for power enlisted tribal support with pledges of material and political benefits. The HDP, however, stands no chance of coming to power, and peace is the only pledge it can make.</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white;">Then, another question pops up: How people who have stood on opposite sides — one fighting the state, the other fighting for the state in the ranks of the village guard — are able to come together? Several factors stand out: </span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white;">The <a href="http://www.al-monitor.com/pulse/originals/2013/12/turkish-kurds-remain-estranged.html" style="text-decoration: none;" target="_blank">2011 air raid</a> that killed 34 young Kurds from the village of Roboski on the Iraqi border, Ankara’s hostile rhetoric against the Kurdish resistance to the Islamic State’s <a href="http://www.al-monitor.com/pulse/originals/2015/01/turkey-kurds-kobani-defeat-turkish-policy.html" style="text-decoration: none;" target="_blank">siege of Kobani</a>, its description of <a href="http://www.haberturk.com/gundem/haber/997321-erdogan-kobani-dustu-dusecek" style="text-decoration: none;" target="_blank">Kurdish fighters as “terrorists,”</a> Erdogan’s electoral shows with <a href="http://www.al-monitor.com/pulse/originals/2015/05/turkey-kurds-kurdish-koran-makes-political-debut.html" style="text-decoration: none;" target="_blank">Kurdish-language Qurans</a> and Ankara’s backpedalling on the peace process have all caused indignation among pious and conservative Kurds as well.</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white;">Farisoglu stressed that their efforts were not limited to the elections. “We are working in a broader framework to secure our internal peace in Kurdistan. The Raman tribe, for instance, had had a peculiar attitude since 1977. We have now secured a basic common understanding. We are seeking to resolve differences, achieve internal reconciliation and build a unified stand. Social peace is our objective,” he told Al-Monitor. “We do not reveal everything publicly, but very important developments are taking place. We are not working according to some hierarchy. We are organized on the basis of radical democracy and local [priorities].”</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white;">Asked about how far the tribal shifts could sway the elections, Farisoglu said, “I wouldn’t give a percentage, but our efforts have expanded significantly. Major popular segments are gravitating to the HDP. This has led to panic in the AKP, and they are trying to make some countermoves. But the AKP’s attempts at [luring] the tribes remain unanswered. That’s why they are trying to drag us into provocations. The bomb blasts [at HDP offices] in <a href="http://www.al-monitor.com/pulse/originals/2015/05/turkey-kurds-hdp-wild-card-bombing-attacks-candar.html" style="text-decoration: none;" target="_blank">Adana and Mersin</a> are the latest example.”</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white;">In remarks to Al-Monitor, Altan Tan — an HDP lawmaker who seeks re-election and stands out as one of the party’s pious figures — offered the following assessment: “Communities in Kurdistan are tightly knit with bonds dating back several centuries. Some clans are pro-HDP, but others are not. To persuade the latter, commissions were set up of mullahs, well-known sheikhs and prominent figures. The commissions are able to persuade five out of every 10 clans they contact. No doubt, tribal leaders joining the HDP will not change the outcome much, but this creates a certain synergy. Collective shifts [to the HDP] have the impact of a stun grenade. Young people in the tribes no longer obey what their fathers say. They were already voting for the HDP. Now their fathers have become HDP supporters too.”</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white;">Tan singled out government policies as the real factor behind the changing attitude of conservative Kurds, outlining five major factors repelling tribes from the AKP:</span></span></div>
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<li style="font-size: 18px; line-height: 26px; text-align: justify;"><span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white;">Erdogan has failed to meet the expectations of pious Muslim Kurds. In the past three years, Ankara has pursued delay tactics vis-a-vis the Kurds, especially in the settlement process, failing to take any serious steps.</span></span></li>
<li style="font-size: 18px; line-height: 26px; text-align: justify;"><span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white;">A number of controversial developments, mainly the Roboski massacre and Ankara’s stance on Kobani, have alienated many Kurds.</span></span></li>
<li style="font-size: 18px; line-height: 26px; text-align: justify;"><span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white;">When selecting its Kurdish candidates for June 7, the AKP opted for people who had previously backed center-right parties or members of feudal clans belonging to the village guard. Such misguided selections in Hakkari, Bitlis, Sirnak and Diyarbakir deepened the rift. Respected Kurdish figures such as Yilmaz Ensaroglu and Abdurrahman Kurt were placed in unfavorable spots on the AKP ticket, while candidates of leftist background such as Orhan Miroglu and Muhsin Kizilkaya enjoyed better spots.</span></span></li>
<li style="font-size: 18px; line-height: 26px; text-align: justify;"><span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white;">The Kurdish movement’s drive to open up to pious Kurds (represented by Tan himself) was expanded further by the HDP. The party fielded candidates such as former Diyarbakir mufti Nimettullah Erdogmus and Huda Kaya, an activist who has campaigned against the ban on the hijab, making a positive impact on the pious electorate. That’s why the government is now trying to discredit the HDP as an irreligious movement, charging that it follows a Marxist ideology or the pre-Islamic Zoroastrian faith.</span></span></li>
<li style="font-size: 18px; line-height: 26px; text-align: justify;"><span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white;">To keep the Kurds on the AKP side, Erdogan began brandishing Kurdish-language Qurans at rallies. This tactic has backfired. Many Kurds felt offended, saying, “We became Muslims before you [Turks]. We are not supposed to learn Islam from you.”</span></span></li>
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<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white;">To contain the tide, the AKP leadership has launched attacks on HDP co-chair Selahattin Demirtas on three controversial issues. First, it is trying to misrepresent the <a href="http://www.cumhuriyet.com.tr/haber/siyaset/262167/Demirtas_tan_sert_Diyanet_cikisi.html" style="text-decoration: none;" target="_blank">HDP pledge</a> to replace the Religious Affairs Directorate with a Directorate of Faith Affairs as an HDP plan to do away with Islam.</span></span></div>
<div style="font-size: 18px; line-height: 26px; margin-bottom: 10px; text-align: justify;">
<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white;">Second, AKP leaders are manipulating the remarks Demirtas made when the government banned May Day demonstrations at Istanbul’s Taksim Square, which has acquired symbolic importance since dozens of workers perished there in May Day bloodshed in 1977. “Don’t take my words as a literal comparison, but Muslims go to the Kaaba for the hajj and Jews go to Jerusalem. Religions have their centers and shrines. You can’t do [certain rituals] elsewhere,” Demirtas said. “I don’t mean it’s a religious belief, but, yes, Taksim is an indispensable venue for workers. Without a celebration at Taksim, one cannot claim that May Day has been celebrated in Turkey.” Picking on those remarks, both Erdogan and Prime Minister Ahmet Davutoglu continue to claim that Demirtas had said that Taksim was “the workers’ Kaaba.”</span></span></div>
<div style="font-size: 18px; line-height: 26px; margin-bottom: 10px; text-align: justify;">
<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white;">The third controversy surrounding the AKP campaign is the claim that Demirtas had eaten bacon during a trip to Cologne. </span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white;">Religious sensitivities have come to the fore as never before in this election. Some argue the government’s countermoves have stalled the pious electorate’s shift to the HDP, but no healthy data exists to confirm this claim.</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000; font-family: Helvetica; font-size: 14px; line-height: 20px;"><span style="color: white;"><br /><br />Read more: <a href="http://www.al-monitor.com/pulse/originals/2015/05/turkey-pious-kurds-abandon-akp-in-droves-hdp.html#ixzz3anKi7MDJ" style="text-decoration: none;">http://www.al-monitor.com/pulse/originals/2015/05/turkey-pious-kurds-abandon-akp-in-droves-hdp.html#ixzz3anKi7MDJ</a></span></span></div>
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M. Η. Μ.http://www.blogger.com/profile/14367284148351582033noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-7420399030365885847.post-76857163307992004312015-05-21T09:38:00.003-07:002015-05-21T09:39:24.582-07:00Attacks on Syrians in Turkey increasing<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<a href="http://www.al-monitor.com/pulse/files/live/sites/almonitor/files/images/almpics/2015/05/RTR4GIO9.jpg?t=thumbnail_570" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" src="http://www.al-monitor.com/pulse/files/live/sites/almonitor/files/images/almpics/2015/05/RTR4GIO9.jpg?t=thumbnail_570" /></a></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white;">A Syrian refugee family is seen in front of their house in Ankara, Nov. 21, 2014. (photo by REUTERS/Umit Bektas)</span></span></div>
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<div class="essay" style="line-height: 26px; margin-bottom: 10px; text-align: justify;">
<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white;">The government of Prime Minister Ahmet Davutoglu continues to maintain Ankara’s open door policy for Syria refugees and to allocate state monies to support them. Although the government remains welcoming toward the refugees, it is hard to say the same for ordinary Turks, who believe their government's resources should be spent to <a href="http://www.al-monitor.com/pulse/originals/2015/05/turkey-official-poverty-figures-corner-government.html" style="text-decoration: none;" target="_blank">alleviate poverty</a> among themselves. The increase in the number of demonstrations against the refugees and attacks on them across the country, in cities as socially diverse as Istanbul and Gaziantep and Izmir and Urfa, attest to this.</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white;"><span style="line-height: 20px;">At a May 13 address to NATO foreign ministers in Antalya, </span><span style="line-height: 26px;">address to </span></span></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: white; line-height: 26px;">NATO foreign ministers in Antalya, Davutoglu put the figure of Syrians currently in Turkey at more than </span><a href="http://www.todayszaman.com/diplomacy_turkish-pm-calls-for-better-coordination-against-isil-threat-at-nato-meeting_380605.html" style="background-color: #660000; line-height: 26px; text-decoration: none;" target="_blank">2 million</a><span style="background-color: #660000; color: white; line-height: 26px;">. He bemoaned that while Turkey has spent more than $6.5 billion on the refugees, the total amount of </span><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=wbh4fxpLn-w" style="background-color: #660000; line-height: 26px; text-decoration: none;" target="_blank">international assistance</a><span style="background-color: #660000; color: white; line-height: 26px;"> received toward the effort was only around $365 million.</span></div>
<div style="line-height: 26px; margin-bottom: 10px; text-align: justify;">
<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white;">The past few weeks brought an upsurge in protests and acts of violence against the Syrian refugees. Some of these actions are said to be in response to the criminal activities of some of them, who are trying desperately to eke out a living to sustain their families.</span></span></div>
<div style="line-height: 26px; margin-bottom: 10px; text-align: justify;">
<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white;">Most Turks believe that there are far more Syrians currently in Turkey than Ankara acknowledges, because the majority of them are not registered. The government provides food and shelter for around 300,000 Syrians in official camps, mostly near the Syrian border, and the conditions there have been deemed to be more than adequate by international experts and concerned groups. The overwhelming majority of Syrians, however, are scattered around the country, many of them roaming from city to city in search of work or simply begging on the streets.</span></span></div>
<div style="line-height: 26px; margin-bottom: 10px; text-align: justify;">
<a href="http://file.setav.org/Files/Image/20150323115612_suriyeli-multeci-soylemi.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" src="http://file.setav.org/Files/Image/20150323115612_suriyeli-multeci-soylemi.jpg" height="202" width="400" /></a><span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white;">Public anger is not only being stirred by Syrian beggars becoming permanent features on the streets of cities and towns, but also because the refugees are undercutting already low wages and forcing up rents in mainly lower-income districts because of the increased demand for housing they create.</span></span></div>
<div style="line-height: 26px; margin-bottom: 10px; text-align: justify;">
<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white;">Recent surveys indicate that many Turks still view helping the needy Syrians as philanthropic, but these same surveys also reveal a significant amount of resentment. More and more people think there is a limit to how philanthropic Turkey can afford to be when millions of Turks are also facing unemployment and poverty.</span></span></div>
<div style="line-height: 26px; margin-bottom: 10px; text-align: justify;">
<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white;">According to a report issued at the end of April by the main opposition <a href="http://www.chp.org.tr/Public/1/Yayinlar/rapor_suriye-ve-irak-krizleri_turkiyenin-odedigi-fatura_1.pdf" style="text-decoration: none;" target="_blank">Republican People’s Party</a> (CHP), Turkey has already spent $5.5 billion from its general budget on the refugees. It also incurred a loss of nearly $6 billion in exports during 2011-2014 due to the war in Syria.</span></span></div>
<div style="line-height: 26px; margin-bottom: 10px; text-align: justify;">
<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white;">The CHP report underlines the increasing unemployment rate resulting from the influx of refugees. As an example, it points to the city of Mardin, in southeastern Anatolia, where the unemployment rate stood at 12.3% in 2011 but jumped to 20.6% in 2013. It is thought to be even higher today.</span></span></div>
<div style="line-height: 26px; margin-bottom: 10px; text-align: justify;">
<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white;">Most of the Syrians choose to head for Istanbul, Turkey’s largest city, or to Gaziantep, in southeastern Anatolia, near the Syrian border. According to official figures from the Ministry of Interior, the number of Syrian refugees in Istanbul alone stood at 500,000 in August 2014. The number in Gaziantep was estimated at more than 200,000, while others put the number at 250,000.</span></span></div>
<div style="line-height: 26px; margin-bottom: 10px; text-align: justify;">
<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white;">Confrontations between local people and the Syrians living outside official refugee camps appear to be inevitable given these large numbers. An angry crowd in the southeastern city of Sanliurfa, reportedly organizing through social media, tried recently to demonstrate against the Syrians, but was prevented from doing so after the city’s governor mobilized the riot police to protect the refugees.</span></span></div>
<div style="line-height: 26px; margin-bottom: 10px; text-align: justify;">
<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white;">A group of 20 youths, angered over the ban, attacked three Syrian passersby, stabbing one in the leg. The Syrians took refuge in a local shop whose owner protected them from what turned into a lynch mob. The police detained 10 people, but such a response is unlikely to deter additional attacks on Syrian refugees.</span></span></div>
<div style="line-height: 26px; margin-bottom: 10px; text-align: justify;">
<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white;">May alone has witnessed violence against Syrians in Izmir, Gaziantep and Hatay. Some incidents are said to have taken place after Syrian involvement in attacks on locals and alleged accosting of local girls. These days, even rumors to this effect are sufficient to gather a crowd chanting “Syrians out!” or “We don’t want Syrians here!”</span></span></div>
<div style="line-height: 26px; margin-bottom: 10px; text-align: justify;">
<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white;">Pro-government analysts claim that most of the perpetrators of attacks are <a href="http://www.al-monitor.com/pulse/originals/2015/05/turkey-kurds-hdp-wild-card-bombing-attacks.html" style="text-decoration: none;" target="_blank">opposition party</a> sympathizers, not supporters of the ruling <a href="http://www.al-monitor.com/pulse/originals/2015/05/turkeys-ruling-akp-losing-pr-war.html" style="text-decoration: none;" target="_blank">Justice and Development Party</a> (AKP). For example, Yusuf Ozkir, from the Ankara-based Foundation for Political, Economic and Social Research, maintains in a March article that the AKP’s <a href="http://setav.org/tr/turkiyede-%E2%80%98suriyeli-multeci-soylemi/yorum/18512" style="text-decoration: none;" target="_blank">welcoming attitude</a> toward the refugees is shared by the majority of the party's supporters. Ozkir wrote, “Politicians who are in solidarity with the regime in Damascus, and media groups that maintain an editorial line supporting them, have a different attitude toward the refugees and criticize the AKP government for extending a helping hand to these refugees.” </span></span></div>
<div style="line-height: 26px; margin-bottom: 10px; text-align: justify;">
<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white;">A study by Murat Erdogan, head of the Center for Migration and Refugee Studies in Hacettepe University in Ankara, appears, to an extent, to corroborate Ozkir’s clearly partisan assessment. Erdogan’s study, “<a href="http://www.hugo.hacettepe.edu.tr/HUGO-RAPOR-TurkiyedekiSuriyeliler.pdf" style="text-decoration: none;" target="_blank">The Syrians in Turkey: Social Acceptance and Integration</a>,” maintains that AKP followers are more inclined to be compassionate toward the Syrians than followers of other parties. He warns, however, that the xenophobia among some groups increases the risk of spreading enmity toward the Syrians in Turkey unless the government deftly manages this situation.</span></span></div>
<div style="line-height: 26px; margin-bottom: 10px; text-align: justify;">
<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white;">“The attitude displayed to date is a credit to Turkish people, but there is the risk that this situation could change rapidly,” Erdogan wrote. His survey, conducted in 20 provinces, indicates that 64% of those questioned believe it is an ethical duty to help the Syrians. The majority of these people nevertheless expressed serious concern over problems Turkey potentially faces because of the refugees.</span></span></div>
<div style="line-height: 26px; margin-bottom: 10px; text-align: justify;">
<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white;">The survey shows, for example, that 70.7% of respondents believe that the refugees are doing serious harm to the economy, and 61.2% feel that poverty-stricken Turks should be helped before the Syrians.</span></span></div>
<div style="line-height: 26px; margin-bottom: 10px; text-align: justify;">
<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white;">Meanwhile 62.3% think the refugees are disrupting the social order through involvement in violence, theft, smuggling and prostitution. In addition, those who say the Syrians are stealing employment opportunities from Turks fall between 56% and 69%, depending on the town or city.</span></span></div>
<div style="line-height: 26px; margin-bottom: 10px; text-align: justify;">
<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white;">More than 70% believe that the Syrians will create lasting problems for the country, while nearly 50% think the government’s management of the refugee crisis has not been satisfactory. These figures appear to suggest that most of those who believe it is right to help the Syrians also feel the refugees should be sent home as soon as conditions in Syria permit.</span></span></div>
<div style="line-height: 26px; margin-bottom: 10px; text-align: justify;">
<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white;">What is clear is that if Ankara continues to maintain an open door policy toward the Syrians without introducing concrete measures to counter the policy’s adverse social and economic effects, tensions between locals and refugees will continue to boil over, resulting in ugly scenes across the country like those of the past few weeks.</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000; font-family: Helvetica; line-height: 20px;"><span style="color: white;"><br /></span></span></div>
<span style="background-color: #660000; font-family: Helvetica; line-height: 20px;"><span style="color: white;">Read more: <a href="http://www.al-monitor.com/pulse/originals/2015/05/turkey-attack-on-syrians-in-country-on-the-rise.html#ixzz3an8m2r91" style="text-decoration: none;">http://www.al-monitor.com/pulse/originals/2015/05/turkey-attack-on-syrians-in-country-on-the-rise.html#ixzz3an8m2r91</a></span></span></div>
M. Η. Μ.http://www.blogger.com/profile/14367284148351582033noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-7420399030365885847.post-45099683732192530062015-05-21T09:25:00.002-07:002015-05-21T09:43:10.802-07:00The Problems Foreign Powers Find in the Balkans<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<span style="font-family: PT Sans, Helvetica, Lucida Grande, Arial, sans-serif;"><span style="background-color: #660000; color: white; font-size: 40px; line-height: 53.3332786560059px;">Stratfor:</span></span></h1>
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<a href="https://www.stratfor.com/analysis" style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; color: #666666; outline: none; text-decoration: none;">Analysis</a></h1>
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<span style="background-color: #660000; color: white;"><span style="font-size: small;">MAY 19, 2015 </span></span></div>
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<a href="https://www.stratfor.com/sites/default/files/styles/stratfor_large__s_/public/main/images/Balkans_5.18.15.jpg?itok=-DF49yul" imageanchor="1" style="background-color: #660000; margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><span style="color: white;"></span></a></div>
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<span class="field-content common-inline" style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; outline: none;">Serbian Foreign Minister Ivica Dacic (R) meets his Russian counterpart Sergei Lavrov when he arrives for a visit to Belgrade.</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: white;"> </span><span class="field-content common-inline" style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; outline: none;">(ANDREJ ISAKOVIC/AFP PHOTO)</span><span style="color: white;"><source media="(max-width: 739px)" srcset="https://www.stratfor.com/sites/default/files/styles/stratfor_large/public/main/images/Balkans_5.18.15.jpg?itok=zZc4dTuy 1x" style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; outline: none;"></source><source media="(max-width: 979px)" srcset="https://www.stratfor.com/sites/default/files/styles/stratfor_medium__l_/public/main/images/Balkans_5.18.15.jpg?itok=j_W3YeGc 1x" style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; outline: none;"></source><source media="(min-width: 979px)" srcset="https://www.stratfor.com/sites/default/files/styles/stratfor_large__s_/public/main/images/Balkans_5.18.15.jpg?itok=-DF49yul 1x" style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; outline: none;"></source><img srcset="https://www.stratfor.com/sites/default/files/styles/stratfor_large__s_/public/main/images/Balkans_5.18.15.jpg?itok=-DF49yul" style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; border: 0px; display: block; height: auto; max-width: 100%; outline: none; width: 640px;" /></span></div>
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Summary</span></span></h2>
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<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white;">Russia, Turkey and the West all share one rival in the Balkans: political instability. Located at the confluence of three historic empires, the strip of land between the Mediterranean and the Black Sea has long been the focus of competition among global powers. Now it is just one arena in the standoff between Russia and the West. Yet, with both sides attempting to buy influence with investments and energy projects, and with Turkey struggling to keep pace, internal political challenges threaten to undermine outside efforts to develop and shape the region. As major powers use their financial and political clout to gain influence in the Balkans, weak local governments will continue to balance among competing nations. </span></span></div>
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Analysis</span></span></h2>
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<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white;">Regional and world powers have paid an inordinate amount of attention to Balkan countries lately. On May 15, Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov visited Serbia, just a few days after the Chair of the Russian Federation Council, Valentina Matviyenko, met with Serbian leaders in Belgrade. Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan will visit Bosnia-Herzegovina on May 20 — Turkish Foreign Minister Mevlut Cavusoglu and Deputy Prime Minister Ali Babacan have paid similar visits in the past month. Western leaders have also demonstrated an interest in the region, with U.S. Secretary of State John Kerry and British Foreign Secretary Philip Hammond visiting Bulgaria in January, while high-ranking U.S. officials regularly visit Romania.</span></span></div>
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Strategic Investments From the West</span></span></h3>
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<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white;">Western governments have two major goals in the Balkans: to maintain stability in the western part of the region and to minimize Russian influence. To that end, the United States and the European Union have been involved in the internal politics of the Balkans since NATO committed troops in the aftermath of the Bosnian war and the conflict in Kosovo in the 1990s. Western troops continue to serve in Kosovo in a peacekeeping capacity. The European Union has used considerable amounts of resources and political capital to bring reform and economic development to the region, but with mixed results.</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white;">The West has the advantage of access to ample development and defense funds that can be divided out among countries hungry for economic growth. Countries such as Serbia and Macedonia are unlikely to join the European Union in the next decade; they are held back by internal divisions and face resistance from current EU members. Yet they still have access to the economic benefits that come from close ties with Europe. Between 2014 and 2020, the European Union plans to grant 1.5 billion euros (around $1.7 billion) to Serbia, a prospective EU member, and 11.4 billion euros to<a href="https://www.stratfor.com/analysis/bulgaria-must-appease-european-union-and-russia-simultaneously" style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; color: #0e357b; outline: none; text-decoration: none;">Bulgaria</a>, a current EU member. (Bulgarian citizens benefit from the ability to travel freely and work in the European Union.) In addition, there is significant defense assistance coming into Bulgaria as part of an effort to strengthen NATO members along the Russian borderlands.</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white;">The Ukraine crisis galvanized the United States into boosting defenses along NATO's eastern edge. NATO has enlarged its multinational response force, created a new spearhead force that can mobilize quickly and established a chain of outposts in the eastern Balkans called force integration units, which could serve as command centers during a conflict.</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white;">At the same time, fighting in Ukraine prompted the European Union to prioritize its Southern Corridor natural gas project, which would bypass Russian energy giant Gazprom in the European energy market and reduce Europe's reliance on Russia. In addition, the West strongly discouraged Bulgaria from participating in Russia's South Stream project. When Bulgaria opted out, Russia canceled the project <a href="https://www.stratfor.com/analysis/russias-south-stream-decision-changes-regional-dynamics" style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; color: #0e357b; outline: none; text-decoration: none;">in December</a>.</span></span><br />
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Russia Counters the West</span></span></h3>
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<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white;">For its part, Russia has used its influence in the Balkans, where it has close historical and cultural ties with countries such as <a href="https://www.stratfor.com/analysis/serbias-balance-becomes-harder-maintain" style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; color: #0e357b; outline: none; text-decoration: none;">Serbia</a> and Greece, to threaten Western interests. However, the Kremlin's interest in the region in the past year stems in large part from its deteriorating relationship with the West. Russia's goal in the Balkans is to prevent the expansion of Western troops and military infrastructure in the region while maintaining sufficient strength to implement strategic energy infrastructure projects.</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white;">Although the West has greater resources to invest in the Balkans, Russia owns several regional energy assets and holds a number of outstanding loans to Balkan governments. Moscow has managed to retain good diplomatic relationships with some local oligarchs, especially in Bulgaria. In 2008, Gazprom bought a majority stake in <a href="https://www.stratfor.com/analysis/serbia-russia-hopes-and-fears-about-gazprom-nis-deal" style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; color: #0e357b; outline: none; text-decoration: none;">Serbian oil firm NIS</a>. Like the European Union, Russia has<a href="https://www.stratfor.com/analysis/political-economy-russian-loans" style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; color: #0e357b; outline: none; text-decoration: none;">provided funding</a> to Serbia — about $1.5 billion in over the past two years. The Kremlin also <a href="https://www.stratfor.com/analysis/russia-competes-influence-balkans" style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; color: #0e357b; outline: none; text-decoration: none;">sealed energy and loan deals</a> with the Republika Srpska, the ethnic Serb entity in Bosnia-Herzegovina.</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white;">Western pressure may have ended the South Stream project, but the pipeline Russia plans to build in its place, Turkish Stream, could help Gazprom <a href="https://www.stratfor.com/analysis/europe-and-russia-after-south-stream" style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; color: #0e357b; outline: none; text-decoration: none;">counter European energy diversification efforts</a>. The pipeline would bring natural gas across the Black Sea to the Turkey-Greek border. To help Gazprom reach Central European markets, Russia has advocated the construction of a pipeline that would run from Greece to Macedonia, Serbia and Hungary. In addition to Turkey, these four countries are at the center of a Russian diplomatic offensive. Nevertheless, with Russia struggling to manage <a href="https://www.stratfor.com/analysis/russia-economic-recovery-remains-elusive" style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; color: #0e357b; outline: none; text-decoration: none;">internal financial and political challenges</a>, its leverage in the Balkans is relatively limited. </span></span></div>
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Turkish Interests</span></span></h3>
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<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white;">Turkey has its own cultural links and economic interests in the Balkans, but it currently lacks the resources and military power to rival Russia or the West.</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white;">One of Turkey's strategic objectives is to maintain influence in the Black Sea. Historically, Ankara has achieved this by anchoring itself on the Danube. By extension, this objective entails managing relations with other Black Sea states in the Balkans. But Turkey is also attempting to grow closer to Bosnia-Herzegovina, where Ankara means to enhance its influence through cultural and historical ties. These connections are important: Muslim Bosniaks started migrating to Turkey in the 17th century, and a few million Turkish citizens claim Bosniak roots today. This ethnic affinity has prompted popular government initiatives to invest in Bosnia-Herzegovina.</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white;">Turkey cannot match the level of financial investment Western powers and Russia commit to the Balkans. But as the gatekeeper to the Black Sea and as a NATO member, Turkey <a href="https://www.stratfor.com/analysis/russia-weakens-turkey-grows-assertive" style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; color: #0e357b; outline: none; text-decoration: none;">plays a significant role</a> in Bulgarian and Romanian efforts to boost defense cooperation in response to the crisis in Ukraine. Moreover, Turkey has been able to use financial and political tools to curry favor with Bosnia. Turkey is among the top five investors in the country. In fact, Turkish officials claim that Turkey has invested $1.1 billion in Bosnia since 1995 — a significant sum for a country with a gross domestic product of about $18 billion. </span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white;">The Turkish Stream pipeline, if built, would no doubt empower Turkey. Ankara would play a central role in its construction, and it would use that role to improve its relationships with countries that would receive Turkish Stream natural gas, including Macedonia and Serbia.</span></span></div>
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Violence in Macedonia</span></span></h3>
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<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white;">Despite the attention they command from larger powers, the Balkans are often unstable, and their instability can impede the influence of foreign powers. For example, deadly violence erupted in Macedonia on May 9, when Interior Ministry personnel cracked down on alleged ethnic Albanian militants in Kumanovo, culminating in the death of eight police officers and 14 alleged militants. Nearly 40 policemen were injured and 30 militants were arrested. There are also unconfirmed reports of civilian casualties.</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white;">The Macedonian government argued that its operation in the town was to prevent militants from carrying out planned terror attacks inside the country. However, the timing of the operation led many to believe the crackdown was politically motivated — a distraction that could divert attention from a recently discovered illegal government wiretapping program.</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white;">The bloodshed in Kumanovo, coupled with revelations of the illegal acquisition of information of citizens, further undermines the credibility of a government that is already distrusted by its people. On May 17, tens of thousands of protesters gathered in Macedonia's capital city, Skopje. Western-sponsored talks the following day failed to bring about a compromise between the government and opposition parties, and the government's hold on power remains tenuous.</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white;">Russia is counting on running its extension of Turkish Stream through Macedonia into Central Europe, but the country's instability threatens to derail these plans at a time when countries along alternative routes are not receptive to Russian proposals. The incumbent Bulgarian government, under pressure from the United States and the European Union, is opposed to participation in a Russia-led energy project, while Albania retains a pro-Western foreign policy orientation.</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white;">With so much at stake, the Russian Foreign Ministry came out forcefully in support of the Macedonian government in response to the protests. The ministry criticized opposition parties and non-governmental groups alike, accusing them of being in league with Western powers and choosing to follow a chaotic "color revolution" ideology. Macedonia's incumbent government is nominally in favor of NATO and EU accession but has been open to Russia's Turkish Stream proposals. A weak government, as well as growing instability in Macedonia, is preventing the country from becoming a staunch Western ally or a reliable partner for Russia.</span></span></div>
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A Broader Regional Challenge</span></span></h3>
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<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white;">Clashes in Macedonia raise the specter of renewed ethnic tension and violence in the Balkans, where political borders do not coincide with ethnic boundaries. Though recent violence probably will not spill over into nearby countries in the immediate future, Macedonia's problems are a concern in the region. Serbia raised its combat alert status, and Bulgaria sent troops to reinforce the border.</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white;">Since 1999, Western governments have worked to stabilize Kosovo and the surrounding area through the presence of peacekeepers and large-scale development programs. Brussels is also pressuring Serbia to normalize relations with Kosovo as a precondition for EU accession. A potential increase in militancy along the Kosovo-Macedonia border would threaten this stability and undermine the West's long-standing efforts in the region.</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white;">Ultimately, no matter how much time and external political power is invested in the Balkans, success depends on the presence of strong, stable governance. But Balkan governments are notoriously weak. In Bulgaria, social unrest in 2013 forced the government to resign. Since then, the country has gone through several weak, <a href="https://www.stratfor.com/analysis/new-bulgarian-government-begins-coalesce" style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; color: #0e357b; outline: none; text-decoration: none;">short-lived governments</a> that have been beset by <a href="https://www.stratfor.com/analysis/bulgarian-resignations-come-consequences" style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; color: #0e357b; outline: none; text-decoration: none;">internal disputes</a>. Meanwhile in Bosnia-Herzegovina, political paralysis has prevented the introduction of much-needed <a href="https://www.stratfor.com/analysis/bosnian-elections-new-leaders-inherit-old-problems" style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; color: #0e357b; outline: none; text-decoration: none;">economic and political reform</a>. Protests over corruption in 2014 highlighted the Bosnian political system's <a href="https://www.stratfor.com/analysis/bosnian-protests-create-eu-dilemma" style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; color: #0e357b; outline: none; text-decoration: none;">inability to address the country's inherent problems</a>.</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white;">The tumult of Balkan politics enables foreign powers to make certain inroads, boosting their influence through financial and political support for local governments. But the fragility of Balkan states prevents them from swinging decisively toward one outside power. Like other nations in Europe's borderlands, many of the Balkan countries have attempted to retain a degree of neutrality. A balancing strategy means that Balkan governments can access advantageous economic agreements, financial assistance packages and political support from multiple external powers.</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white;">Geopolitical rivalries and local disputes in the region have historically formed an explosive combination, fueling military conflicts like World War I as well as numerous Balkan armed struggles. Today, a more nuanced competition is taking place as foreign powers use economic influence, defense cooperation, and political support to further their goals in the region.</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white;">The conflict in Macedonia — and the potential it has to upset Russia's plans in the region — embodies the problems foreign powers find in the Balkans. While the West, Russia and Turkey are all eager to pump capital into the region for their own betterment, weak governments will continue balancing among outside powers. </span></span></div>
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M. Η. Μ.http://www.blogger.com/profile/14367284148351582033noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-7420399030365885847.post-80318501441994420542015-03-30T08:25:00.000-07:002015-03-30T08:25:48.466-07:00Μία σατιρική Γερμανική αντιμετώπιση των Ελληνικών δικαίων [Die Anstalt - Griechenland (31.03.2015)]<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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M. Η. Μ.http://www.blogger.com/profile/14367284148351582033noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-7420399030365885847.post-86441049277597283642015-03-30T06:07:00.000-07:002015-05-21T09:28:03.218-07:00Are Turkey's young IS recruits now a domestic threat?<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<a href="http://www.al-monitor.com/pulse/files/live/sites/almonitor/files/images/almpics/2015/03/RTR4MD3V.jpg?t=thumbnail_570" imageanchor="1" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" src="http://www.al-monitor.com/pulse/files/live/sites/almonitor/files/images/almpics/2015/03/RTR4MD3V.jpg?t=thumbnail_570" /></a><span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white;">Syrians wait at a checkpoint at the Syrian border crossing of Bab al-Hawa on the Syrian-Turkish border in Idlib governorate, Jan. 21, 2015. (photo by REUTERS/Abed Kontar)</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white;">Turkish media extensively covered the story of 19-year-old <a href="http://www.hurriyetdailynews.com/three-sons-of-turkish-professor-join-isil.aspx?pageID=238&nID=79920&NewsCatID=509" style="text-decoration: none;" target="_blank">Suleyman Bengi</a> crossing the <a href="http://www.al-monitor.com/pulse/originals/2015/03/turkey-sudanese-rekindle-questions-turkey-syrian-border.html" style="text-decoration: none;" target="_blank">border to Syria</a> and joining the Islamic State (IS). Suleyman, a freshman dentistry student at a prominent Ankara university and son of an academic, took along with him his 16-year-old twin brothers Dilar and Dilsat. Everyone is asking what could have motivated a young man from a well-to-do, educated family to embark on such an adventure.</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white;"><span class="title">Summary<a href="http://www.al-monitor.com/pulse/originals/2015/03/turkey-salafi-radicalization-on-the-rise.html?utm_source=Al-Monitor+Newsletter+%5BEnglish%5D&utm_campaign=6b41290f8a-Week_in_review_30_2015&utm_medium=email&utm_term=0_28264b27a0-6b41290f8a-93086189#" style="float: right; font-family: ss-standard; font-size: 16.7999992370605px; text-decoration: none;" title="Click here to Print this article">⎙ <span style="font-size: 10.0799989700317px;">Print</span></a></span> Young Turks are increasingly attracted to the Islamic State's radical doctrines, believing their own country's brand of political Islam to be superficial, yet the Turkish government remains unconcerned with the increasing radicalization.</span></span></div>
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<span class="span6" style="box-sizing: border-box; display: block; float: left; margin-left: 0px; min-height: 30px; width: 277.6875px;"><span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white;"><span class="title">Author</span> <a href="http://www.al-monitor.com/pulse/contents/authors/metin-gurcan.html" style="text-decoration: none;">Metin Gurcan</a></span></span></span><span class="span6" style="box-sizing: border-box; display: block; float: left; margin-left: 14.609375px; min-height: 30px; width: 277.6875px;" title="March 26, 2015 02:57 CDT"><span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white;"><span class="title">Posted</span> March 26, 2015</span></span></span><br />
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<span class="span6" style="box-sizing: border-box; display: block; float: left; margin-left: 0px; min-height: 30px; width: 277.6875px;"><span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white;"><span class="title">Translator</span>Timur Göksel</span></span></span></div>
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<span class="span6" style="box-sizing: border-box; display: block; float: left; margin-left: 0px; min-height: 30px; width: 277.6875px;"><nobr><span style="background-color: #660000; font-size: 9pt; font-weight: bold; text-decoration: underline; text-transform: uppercase;"><span style="color: white;"><a alt="Click here to read the original article from style=" color:darkblue="" href="http://www.al-monitor.com/pulse/originals/2015/03/turkey-salafi-radicalization-on-the-rise.html?utm_source=Al-Monitor+Newsletter+%5BEnglish%5D&utm_campaign=6b41290f8a-Week_in_review_30_2015&utm_medium=email&utm_term=0_28264b27a0-6b41290f8a-93086189" style="text-decoration: none;" target="_blank" title="Click here to read the original article from"></a></span></span></nobr></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white;">Suleyman’s family lives in Diyarbakir in southeast Turkey. His father is a faculty member of Dicle University's mining engineering department. His mother is a civil servant. Their financial situation is comfortable.</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white;">Al-Monitor spoke with Suleyman's friends at the student hostel in Ankara’s Cebeci district where he lived. We learned that when Suleyman arrived at the hostel a year ago, he was already devoutly religious and prayed regularly. Suleyman's hostel mates described him as a loner who appeared to not want to be friends with anyone and never participated in common activities. They said they noticed a change in Suleyman after he began to visit a bookshop in the Cebeci district. He then started lifting weights in the hostel gym. One time, he told the others in the gym to play religious hymns, not music, and actually started a fight over it. His clothing style also changed. He tried to take some of his friends to the bookshop but couldn’t persuade them.</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white;">A hostel mate said, “This was his first year. If his parents had been with him, they could have noticed the change in him.”</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white;">When Al-Monitor asked why they didn’t report the changes they observed in Suleyman to the hostel management or his professors, they replied: “We actually noticed the change in Suleyman. But we didn’t know who to report to. There is no phone number, no expert or an office that could help us.”</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white;">Suleyman kept in close contact via social media with his twin brothers, Dilar and Dilsat, who attended different high schools in Diyarbakir. It is likely that Suleyman <a href="http://www.mynet.com/haber/guncel/agabeylerinin-iside-goturdugu-ikizlerin-okul-arkadaslari-saskin-1758270-1" style="text-decoration: none;" target="_blank">radicalized his brothers</a> through their social media correspondence and persuaded them to go to Syria. Schoolmates of the twins said they were good students but that they kept to themselves.</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white;">Upon hearing that his three sons had gone to Syria to join IS, M. Sefik said, "<a href="http://www.diken.com.tr/uc-oglu-iside-katilan-baba-biz-cocuklarimiza-insan-sevgisini-ogrettik-bu-noktaya-nasil-geldiler/" style="text-decoration: none;" target="_blank">We taught them how to love people.</a> How they came to this point is a mystery to us."</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white;">Hundreds of mothers and fathers in Turkey are speaking those very words. According to official figures, about 2,500 individuals have traveled from Turkey to Iraq and Syria to join IS. About <a href="http://www.hurriyet.com.tr/dunya/28501315.asp" style="text-decoration: none;" target="_blank">800 even took their families</a> with them. According to security experts Al-Monitor spoke to in Ankara, the reality on the ground is much more worrisome. One source, who did not want to be identified, said 5,000 Turks have crossed. Another source said, "The real problem is not the ones who go to Syria and Iraq to fight, but those who are radicalized and stay here. They [number] in the thousands.”</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white;">What is the dynamic that leads Turkish youth to follow Salafist currents? One explanation is political. A leading ideologue of the political Islamic movement in Turkey spoke with Al-Monitor on the issue, preferring to remain anonymous out of fear of possible pressure. He said that the ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) polluted political Islam and turned it into a current that cannot be questioned. The new generation of Islamist youth turn to Salafist currents because it gives them the power of protest.</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white;">The source pointed out that his choosing to remain anonymous is indicative of how the government has disfigured the country's Islamist movements. He said, "There is no reasonable criticism of Islam within the AKP government. Their relations with the masses are not democratic." He then made an important point: "These youngsters are not going to IS as a reaction to secularists in Turkey. To the contrary, they see how political Islam in Turkey is decayed and not honest. IS promises these kids authentic, honest comradeship. Islamist youth in Turkey have a problem expressing themselves. They have to find a way to join society. It is this reaction that makes IS attractive to these youngsters."</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white;">Professor Clark McCauley of Bryn Mawr College in the United States, who studies political radicalization, told Al-Monitor via email that he believes that “the first thing to notice is the blend of motives, in which emotion and personal circumstances are as important as political opinion about IS.”</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white;">McCauley highlighted that some personal factors can be categorized as mechanisms of radicalization, including those identified by himself and Sophia Moskalenko:</span></span></div>
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<li style="font-size: 18px; line-height: 26px; text-align: justify;"><span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white;">Political grievances: Individuals are outraged by Western indifference to the plight of Sunni Muslims suffering at the hands of Shiites in Iraq and Bashar al-Assad’s Alawite-minority government in Syria.</span></span></li>
<li style="font-size: 18px; line-height: 26px; text-align: justify;"><span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white;">Personal grievances: Even educated, employed young Muslims react to white European or American discrimination against Muslims. </span></span></li>
<li style="font-size: 18px; line-height: 26px; text-align: justify;"><span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white;">Affection: Some go to Syria because a friend or relative has gone. </span></span></li>
<li style="font-size: 18px; line-height: 26px; text-align: justify;"><span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white;">New connections: Some have lost family, friends or their job and seek new connections in the brotherhood of men at war. </span></span></li>
<li style="font-size: 18px; line-height: 26px; text-align: justify;"><span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white;">Escape: Some join IS to get away from debts, prison or family problems. </span></span></li>
<li style="font-size: 18px; line-height: 26px; text-align: justify;"><span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white;">Status and risk-seeking: Some seek thrill, adventure and warrior status, going from zero to hero.</span></span></li>
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<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white;">Professor Hilmi Demir of Hitit University's Faculty of Theology told Al-Monitor during a meeting in Ankara that IS offers many things to youths who can’t find a place for themselves in society: a religious perspective, a sense of belonging, brotherhood, respect and reputation. The group makes them heroes by offering martyrdom. In addition to offering a <a href="http://www.al-monitor.com/pulse/security/2015/03/raqqa-filming-woman-life-under-islamic-state.html" style="text-decoration: none;" target="_blank">pure society</a> free of misbehavior, IS provides its fighters housing, a salary and even marriage assistance.</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white;">Demir said, "In Turkey, we don’t pay much attention to the radicalization process. Turkey focuses on identifying radicalized individuals or preventing the crossing of borders. We don’t wonder how they were radicalized but rather want to find who is using them. We ignore that there can be no radicalized action without religious and ideological radicalization." Demir concluded by warning, “Today there is a very strong Salafist network that nourishes radicalism against traditional Sunni schools of thought. Any youngster caught in the indoctrination of that network ends up in IS. We must attach priority to develop mechanisms that will combat this religious-ideological doctrine. Unfortunately, I am not very optimistic about it.”</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white;">Turkish politicians have been noticeably quiet on the issue of Turks joining IS. As a result, the security apparatus is not concerned with IS recruitment centers and Turks who may be joining IS. Al-Monitor spoke to security officials in Ankara who say that Turkey doesn’t have a <a href="http://www.al-monitor.com/pulse/originals/2015/03/turkey-us-coalition-fight-islamic-state.html" style="text-decoration: none;" target="_blank">strategic vision for combating IS</a>. Joining IS is not considered a crime, and the bookshops and associations that operate as IS recruitment fronts, although known by security forces, are not shut down.</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white;">As a result, society is unaware of and the media pay little attention to the hundreds of youths under the influence of Salafist currents who are trying to get to Syria and Iraq to join IS. Politicians don’t have a strategic vision to combat this vital threat. The security bureaucracy is confused and practically immobile. Today, the prevailing notion is “let there first be an incident, then we will take care of it.”</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000; font-family: Helvetica; font-size: 14px; line-height: 20px;"><span style="color: white;"><br /><br />Read more: <a href="http://www.al-monitor.com/pulse/originals/2015/03/turkey-salafi-radicalization-on-the-rise.html?utm_source=Al-Monitor+Newsletter+%5BEnglish%5D&utm_campaign=6b41290f8a-Week_in_review_30_2015&utm_medium=email&utm_term=0_28264b27a0-6b41290f8a-93086189#ixzz3VsERf86u" style="text-decoration: none;">http://www.al-monitor.com/pulse/originals/2015/03/turkey-salafi-radicalization-on-the-rise.html?utm_source=Al-Monitor+Newsletter+%5BEnglish%5D&utm_campaign=6b41290f8a-Week_in_review_30_2015&utm_medium=email&utm_term=0_28264b27a0-6b41290f8a-93086189#ixzz3VsERf86u</a></span></span></div>
M. Η. Μ.http://www.blogger.com/profile/14367284148351582033noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-7420399030365885847.post-10451278523236320952015-03-05T04:14:00.000-08:002015-03-05T04:17:27.571-08:00Η δημιουργική ασάφεια της ΑΟΖ, η Βενεζουέλα, ο ΣΥΡΙΖΑ και η Τουρκία<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<span style="background-color: #660000; color: white; font-size: large;">Για να μη ξεχνιόμαστε, αυτή είναι η ΑΟΖ της Βενεζουέλας. Με το Δίκαιο της Θάλασσας του 1982 έχασε τα 2/3 της ΑΟΖ της και έτσι καταψήφισε το νέο Σύνταγμα των Θαλασσών και Ωκεανών (UNCLOS) όπως έκανε και η Τουρκία. Η Βενεζουέλα όμως δεν ακολούθησε την τακτική της Τουρκίας που προσπαθούσε να πείσει την διεθνή κοινότητα ότι τα νησιά δεν έχουν τα ίδια δικαιώματα που έχουν οι ήπειροι και προσπάθησε να υπονομεύσει την δημιουργία της ΑΟΖ όλα τα χρόνια που διήρκησε η Διάσκεψη για το Δίκαιο της Θάλασσας.<span id="more-54651" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-size: initial; border: 0px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"></span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000; color: white; font-size: large;">Αντίθετα, η Βενεζουέλα ανακήρυξε ΑΟΖ, στις 26 Ιουλίου 1978, όταν ήδη είχε αρχίσει η Διάσκεψη. Τότε πολλά κράτη της Λατινικής Αμερικής πρωτοστάτησαν στην δημιουργία της Αποκλειστικής Οικονομικής Ζώνης για να προστατέψουν την αλιεία τους. Με αυτό το νόμο η Βενεζουέλα όρισε ότι το μήκος της ΑΟΖ της θα φτάνει τα 200 ναυτικά μίλια από τις ακτές της. Σε περίπτωση που υπήρχαν επικαλύψεις με γειτονικά κράτη τότε η ΑΟΖ θα οριοθετηθεί βάσει συμφωνίας ανάμεσα σε αυτά τα κράτη.</span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000; color: white; font-size: large;">Προκαλεί εντύπωση το γεγονός ότι την πρώτη οροθέτηση θαλασσίων ζωνών η Βενεζουέλα την πραγματοποίησε με τις Ηνωμένες Πολιτείες το 1978. Η οριοθέτηση αυτή αφορούσε την οριοθέτηση με τις αμερικανικές περιοχές του Πουέρτο Ρίκο και των Παρθένων Νήσων. Η συμφωνία αυτή υπογράφτηκε στο Καράκας στις 28 Μαρτίου 1978 και τέθηκε σε ισχύ στις 24 Νοεμβρίου 1980 μετά από τη επικύρωσή της και από τα δύο κράτη. Είναι επίσης σημαντικό το γεγονός ότι αυτή η οριοθέτηση μήκους 304 ν.μ. έγινε βάσει της μέσης γραμμής.</span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000; color: white; font-size: large;">Η εμπειρία της Βενεζουέλας σε θέματα νησιών μπορεί να αποβεί χρήσιμη στην σημερινή ελληνική κυβέρνηση μια και έχει εμπειρία σε θέματα οριοθετήσεων ΑΟΖ με τα γειτονικά της νησιωτικά κράτη και μπορεί να μας βοηθήσει στην διαφορά μας με την Τουρκία. Σε πολλά θέματα του Δίκαιου Θάλασσας δεν συμβαδίζει με την Τουρκία και ιδιαίτερα στο θέμα της «μέσης γραμμής» που θεωρεί ότι είναι η καλύτερη μέθοδος οριοθέτησης θαλασσίων ζωνών.</span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000; color: white; font-size: large;">Ένα άλλο θέμα που πρέπει να απασχολήσει την νέα ηγεσία του ΥΠΕΞ είναι να συνεχιστεί η προσπάθεια, που άρχισε η προηγούμενη κυβέρνηση, για την οριοθέτηση των θαλάσσιων ζωνών με την Αίγυπτο μια και εκεί υπάρχει ένα μεγάλο μερίδιο των υδρογονανθράκων μας. Επιπλέον, η απόφαση του πρώην Υπουργού Ενέργειας Γιάννη Μανιάτη να προκηρύξει διεθνή διαγωνισμό για τα 10 οικόπεδα που βρίσκονται νότια της Κρήτης έχει, δυστυχώς, αμφισβητηθεί από τον Παναγιώτη Λαφαζάνη που φαίνεται να μη γνωρίζει την σημασία και την αξία αυτού του κρίσιμου θέματος για τα εθνικά μας συμφέροντα και πρέπει απρόσκοπτα να συνεχιστεί.</span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000; color: white; font-size: large;">Το Σάββατο 28 Φεβρουαρίου 2015 η Τουρκία με την NAVTEX 201/15 και την NOTAM Α0889/15 δέσμευσε δύο μεγάλες περιοχές στο Βόρειο και Νοτιοανατολικό Αιγαίο. Οι περιοχές αυτές εκτείνονται μεταξύ της Σκύρου , της Αλόννησου και του Αη Στράτη και φτάνει μέχρι την Εύβοια! Αλλά ξαφνικά υπήρξε μια απρόσμενη αλλαγή στη στάση της Τουρκίας που ήταν, ουσιαστικά, μια μικρής διάστασης βόμβα όταν ο εκπρόσωπος του τουρκικού Υπουργείου Εξωτερικών, δύο ημέρες αργότερα, δήλωσε: «Γι’ ατό τον σκοπό η ΝΟΤΑΜ που έχει κατά λάθος εκδοθεί με λανθασμένες συντεταγμένες ακυρώνεται και σε αυτό το επίπεδο για κάποιο συγκεκριμένο διάστημα δεν θα εκδοθεί νέα».</span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000; color: white; font-size: large;">Η απλή ανάγνωση αυτής της ανακοίνωσης έδωσε την εντύπωση ότι ήταν μια μεγάλη επιτυχία του ελληνικού ΥΠΕΞ που δεν καταδέχτηκε να επικοινωνήσει με την Τουρκία γι’ αυτή την παράνομη και προκλητική πράξη αλλά αντιθέτως διαμαρτυρήθηκε, πολύ σωστά, στο ICAO, στο ΝΑΤΟ και την Ε.Ε. Βέβαια η ξαφνική αλλαγή στις τουρκικές θέσεις δεν οφείλεται στη σωστή και σθεναρή στάση της Αθήνας. Η αλήθεια έγκειται αλλού.</span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000; color: white; font-size: large;">Υπήρξε άμεση επέμβαση της κυβέρνησης Ομπάμα που φοβήθηκε ότι ο Νταβούτογλου, βρισκόμενος σε πλεονεκτική θέση έναντι της νέας ελληνικής κυβέρνησης, θα επιχειρούσε να την παγιδεύσει με το να αντιδράσει λανθασμένα λόγω της απειρίας της. Οι Τούρκοι είχαν αποφασίσει να δοκιμάσουν τον Τσίπρα όπως είχαν κάνει στον Σημίτη με τα Ίμια, αλλά η αντίδραση της Ουάσιγκτον ήταν όχι μόνο άμεση αλλά και καταλυτική.</span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000; color: white; font-size: large;">Ο αείμνηστος πρέσβης Μιχάλης Δούντας, ένας από τους ικανότερους διπλωμάτες που πέρασαν από το ΥΠΕΞ και άριστος γνώστης των τουρκικών προθέσεων, έγραφε λίγο πριν τον θάνατό του αυτά τα σοφά λόγια:</span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000; color: white; font-size: large;">«Η Ελλάς αδυνατεί να ασκήσει πλήρως την κυριαρχία της λόγω ελλείμματος «ανεξαρτησίας». Το πλατύτερα γνωστό παράδειγμα διαφοροποίησης μεταξύ κυριαρχίας και ανεξαρτησίας προσφέρει η, για χρόνια τώρα, παρεμπόδιση της Ελλάδας να επεκτείνει νομίμως τα χωρικά της ύδατα μέχρι τα 12 μίλια. Διότι η προς τούτο θέλησή της κάμπτεται ενώπιον της υπέρτερης τουρκικής «πολεμικής ικανότητας» (war capability) και της συναφούς απειλής. Διότι η απειλή πολέμου, έστω και αν δεν διακηρύσσεται, υφέρπει λόγω της ενόπλου υπεροχής της Τουρκίας.</span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000; color: white; font-size: large;">Αποτέλεσμα, να προωθούνται «ανεπαισθήτως» και διαχρονικά οι τουρκικές διεκδικήσεις σε όλο το μέτωπο της ελληνοτουρκικής αντιπαράθεσης. Θα έπρεπε να δώσουμε έμφαση στη βελτίωση της αμυντικής μας θωράκισης, ιδίως αεροπορικής, πυραυλικής και ηλεκτρονικής. Ωστόσο, οι τομείς αυτοί με την πάροδο των ετών παραμελήθηκαν. Διότι πολλές και πιεστικές οι ανάγκες ικανοποίησης άλλων κρισίμων παραμέτρων της κρατικής ευθύνης. Και, παράλληλα, οι δυνατότητες της οικονομίας ασφυκτικά περιορισμένες». <strong style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-size: initial; border: 0px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">(1)</strong></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000; color: white; font-size: large;">Αυτά τα προφητικά λόγια εξέφρασε στις 24 Σεπτεμβρίου 2006 και εννέα χρόνια αργότερα τα επιβεβαιώνει ο Αμερικανός αναλυτής Daniel Darling, ειδικός στα θέματα των διεθνών στρατιωτικών αγορών, που έγραψε πρόσφατα ότι από την αρχή της οικονομικής κρίσης στην Ελλάδα οι αμυντικές επενδύσεις έχουν μειωθεί κατά 46%, από τα 7,95 δις. δολάρια στα 3,7 δις. δολάρια σήμερα. Επιπλέον, αναφέρει ότι οι Ελληνικές Ένοπλες Δυνάμεις έχουν δει τον αμυντικό προϋπολογισμό τους, που ήταν σε υψηλό επίπεδο λόγω της αντιπαλότητας με την γειτονική Τουρκία, να έχει πέσει στον σημαντικό τομέα του στρατιωτικού-τεχνολογικού πλεονεκτήματος που συνεχώς μειώνεται. <strong style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-size: initial; border: 0px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">(2)</strong></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000; color: white; font-size: large;">Μια απόρρητη έκθεση της CIA πριν περίπου 30 χρόνια αναφερόμενη σε μια πιθανή ελληνοτουρκική εμπλοκή έλεγε ότι:</span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000; color: white; font-size: large;">«Οι Έλληνες θα έχουν μια μικρή υπεροχή σε εναέριες εμπλοκές στο Αιγαίο και θα κρατήσουν τις θέσεις τους στη θάλασσα. Στα σύνορα με την Θράκη το πολύ δύσκολο έδαφος θα αντισταθμίσει την υπεροχή της Τουρκίας σε στρατό ξηράς και ο πόλεμος εκεί μάλλον με στασιμότητα» <strong style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-size: initial; border: 0px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">(3)</strong></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000; color: white; font-size: large;">Σήμερα φαίνεται ότι οι Αμερικανοί πιστεύουν ότι, λόγω της ελληνικής οικονομικής κρίσης της τελευταίας πενταετίας, αυτή η ισορροπία έχει σταδιακά ανατραπεί.</span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000; color: white; font-size: large;">Ίσως ήρθε η ώρα η κυβέρνηση του ΣΥΡΙΖΑ να ασχοληθεί με την «δημιουργική ασάφεια» της ΑΟΖ η οποία, βέβαια, δεν συμπεριλαμβάνονταν στο πρόγραμμα της Θεσσαλονίκης μια και αυτό το κόμμα περιλαμβάνει στελέχη που δεν συμπαθούν ιδιαίτερα την έννοια της ΑΟΖ.</span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000; color: white; font-size: large;">Πάντως αποτελεί ευχάριστο γεγονός ότι ο σημερινός Υπουργός Εξωτερικών Νίκος Κοτζιάς είναι φιλικά προσκείμενος προς την ΑΟΖ και αυτό φάνηκε από μια τηλεοπτική του συνέντευξη μια και γνωρίζει την διαφορά ανάμεσα στην ανακήρυξη και οριοθέτηση της Αποκλειστικής Οικονομικής Ζώνης και τόνισε, πολύ εύστοχα, ότι η απόφαση για την ανακήρυξη της ΑΟΖ είναι της αρμοδιότητας του ΥΠΕΞ αλλά πάνω απ’ όλα είναι μια απόφαση που πρέπει να πάρει ο πρωθυπουργός.</span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000; color: white; font-size: large;">Ο Αλέξης Τσίπρας είναι ένας νέος άνθρωπος που αντιμετωπίζει τεράστια προβλήματα αλλά πρέπει να βρει λίγο χρόνο να ασχοληθεί μ’ ένα θέμα που δεν είναι μόνο γεωστρατηγικό αλλά είναι κυρίως οικονομικό. Η έμφαση σε μια «Γαλάζια Ελλάδα» και η αξιοποίηση του πλούτου της θα αποτελέσει μια ελπίδα για την πραγματική και ουσιαστική οικονομική ανάπτυξη της πατρίδας μας.</span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000; color: white; font-size: large;">Οι ελληνικές θάλασσες, που είναι τρεις φορές μεγαλύτερες σε έκταση από την στεριά μας, αποτελεί μια παραμελημένη πηγή πλούτου και ήρθε η ώρα να αξιοποιηθεί όσο το δυνατόν γρηγορότερα ώστε η Ελλάδα να ανήκει πάλι στους Έλληνες.</span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000; color: white; font-size: large;"><strong style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: transparent; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-size: initial; border-image-outset: initial; border-image-repeat: initial; border-image-slice: initial; border-image-source: initial; border-image-width: initial; border: 0px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">1.</strong> Εφημερίδα Καθημερινή, 24 Σεπτεμβρίου 2006.<br /><strong style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: transparent; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-size: initial; border-image-outset: initial; border-image-repeat: initial; border-image-slice: initial; border-image-source: initial; border-image-width: initial; border: 0px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">2.</strong><a href="http://www.realcleardefense.com/articles/2015/02/27/is_the_hellenic_armed_forces_dying__107675.html" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: transparent; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-size: initial; color: #484848; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline;">http://www.realcleardefense.com/articles/2015/02/27/is_the_hellenic_armed_forces_dying__107675.html</a><br /><strong style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: transparent; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-size: initial; border-image-outset: initial; border-image-repeat: initial; border-image-slice: initial; border-image-source: initial; border-image-width: initial; border: 0px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">3.</strong> Θεόδωρος Καρυώτης, Η ΑΟΖ της Ελλάδας, Αθήνα: Εκδόσεις Λιβάνη, 2014, σελ. 200.</span></div>
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M. Η. Μ.http://www.blogger.com/profile/14367284148351582033noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-7420399030365885847.post-4880781194156723972015-02-22T21:33:00.001-08:002015-02-22T21:33:49.438-08:00New Yorker: Πώς την πάτησε η Ελλάδα<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<span style="color: white; line-height: 21px;"><span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="font-size: large;">"Πώς την πάτησε η Ελλάδα" αυτός είναι ο ιντριγκαδόρικος τίτλος στο μακροσκελές άρθρο του John Cassidy στο περιοδικό New Yorker που εξηγεί όσα συνέβησαν αυτές </span></span><span style="font-size: 15px;">τις μέρες στις Βρυξέλλες.</span></span><span style="color: white; font-family: Arial, FreeSans, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: 13px; line-height: 9px; text-align: center;"><img alt="EMMANUEL DUNAND" height="267" src="http://i.huffpost.com/gen/2639780/thumbs/n-EMMANUEL-DUNAND-large570.jpg" style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; display: inline-block; margin: 0px; max-width: 100%; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;" width="640" /></span></h1>
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<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white; font-size: large;">"Χωρίς να εκπλαγεί κανείς, εκτός από μερικούς κινδυνολόγους, οι υπουργοί Οικονομικών της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης κατέληξαν σε συμφωνία με την Ελλάδα την Παρασκευή (20/2), επεκτείνοντας το υφιστάμενο πρόγραμμα διάσωσης της Ελλάδας μέχρι τις αρχές του καλοκαιριού.Η νέα αριστερή κυβέρνηση του ΣΥΡΙΖΑ έλεγε σε όλους για εβδομάδες ότι δεν θα συμφωνήσει στην παράταση του προγράμματος, και ότι ήθελε μια νέα δανειακή σύμβαση που θα της έλυνε τα χέρια, πράγμα που σηματοδοτεί την συμφωνία ως συνθηκολόγηση από πλευράς του ΣΥΡΙΖΑ και ως νίκη για την Γερμανία και το υπόλοιπο κατεστημένο της ΕΕ.</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white; font-size: large;">Εκ των υστέρων, είναι σαφές ότι οι Αλήξης Τσίπρας και Γιάνης Βαρουφάκης πόνταραν πολλά ενώ δεν έπρεπε. Δεδομένου ότι ο Βαρουφάκης είναι ακαδημαϊκός γνώστης της θεωρίας παιγνίων, το ότι ... έπαιξαν τόσο λάθος μοιάζει λίγο περίεργο, αλλά ίσως δεν είναι απολύτως έτσι.</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white; font-size: large;">Για να κυριολεκτήσουμε, όμως, το παιχνίδι δεν έχει τελειώσει. Η συμφωνία που επιτεύχθηκε στις Βρυξέλλες είναι απλώς μια ενδιάμεση συμφωνία, η οποία θα κρατήσει την Ελλάδα μακριά από τη χρεοκοπία και τις τράπεζες της στη ζωή, ενόσω μια ευρύτερη συμφωνία για τα τεράστια χρέη της χώρας θα αποτελεί αντικείμενο διαπραγμάτευσης.</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white; font-size: large;">Ο Έλληνας υπουργός Οικονομικών, έχει προτείνει μερικές ενδιαφέρουσες ιδέες για το πώς να προχωρήσουμε, για παράδειγμα, την έκδοση νέων τύπων ομολόγων σε αντικατάσταση των παλαιών, αλλά όποια διαπραγματευτική δύναμη είχε φαίνεται να έχει υπονομευθεί.</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white; font-size: large;">Τις τελευταίες ημέρες, σύμφωνα με τις αναφορές από την Αθήνα, οι Έλληνες κάνουν αναλήψεις μετρητών από τις τράπεζες της χώρας σε ύψος περίπου 500 εκατομμύρια Ευρώ την ημέρα. Με το πρόγραμμα διάσωσης της Ε.Ε να λήγει σε μια εβδομάδα, η Ελληνική Κυβέρνηση αντιμετώπιζε την προοπτική της πλήρους οικονομικής κατάρρευσης, αν η Ευρωπαϊκή Κεντρική Τράπεζα δεν συμφωνούσε να παράσχει στο ελληνικό τραπεζικό σύστημα περισσότερα χρήματα.</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white; font-size: large;">Ωστόσο η ΕΚΤ έλεγε στην Ελλάδα ότι απαιτείτο να συμφωνήσει με τους όρους που έθεταν οι Βρυξέλλες και το Βερολίνο. Τελικά, αυτό οδήγησε τον Βαρουφάκη και τον Αλέξη Τσίπρα να υποχωρήσει και να συμφωνήσει στην παράταση του προγράμματος.</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white; font-size: large;">Τώρα, οι πολιτικές της Κυβέρνησης θα συνεχίσουν να εποπτεύονται από τη μισητή "τρόικα" (Ευρωπαϊκή Κεντρική Τράπεζα, Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση και Διεθνές Νομισματικό Ταμείο), την οποία πολλοί Έλληνες θεωρούν υπεύθυνη για τη δεινή κατάσταση της χώρας τους.</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white; font-size: large;">Επιπλέον, η ελληνική κυβέρνηση έχει συμφωνήσει να προχωρήσει με μια σειρά νέων διαρθρωτικών μεταρρυθμίσεων, μερικές από τις οποίες θα πρέπει να παρουσιάσει λεπτομερώς αυτό το Σαββατοκύριακο.</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white; font-size: large;">Αν η τρόικα δεν είναι ικανοποιημένη με αυτό που θα προτείνει η Ελλάδα, θα μπορεί ακόμη και να παρακρατήσει ένα μέρος των χρημάτων που χρειάζεται η χώρα. Μόλις ο Βόλφγκανγκ Σόιμπλε, ο σκληρός Γερμανός υπουργός Οικονομικών, συνειδητοποίησε ότι ο Βαρουφάκης δεν θα μπορούσε να παίξει το χαρτί του Grexit, ήξερε ότι τον είχε εκεί όπου τον ήθελε. <br style="box-sizing: border-box;" />Εκτός από όλα αυτά, ο Βαρουφάκης φαίνεται να έχει υποσχεθεί να μην ανακαλέσει ορισμένα από τα μέτρα που έχει επιβάλει η τρόικα και ενάντια στα οποία ο ίδιος και ο Τσίπρας είχαν ξιφουλκήσει στην πορεία προς τις εκλογές, όπως την ιδιωτικοποίηση κρατικών επιχειρήσεων.</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white; font-size: large;">Το κείμενο της νέας συμφωνίας, λέει: "Οι ελληνικές αρχές δεσμεύονται να απέχουν από οποιαδήποτε κατάργηση μέτρων και από μονομερείς αλλαγές των πολιτικών και των διαρθρωτικών μεταρρυθμίσεων που θα μπορούσαν να επηρεάσουν αρνητικά τους δημοσιονομικούς στόχους, την οικονομική ανάκαμψη και τη χρηματοπιστωτική σταθερότητα, όπως αξιολογείται από τα θεσμικά όργανα".</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white; font-size: large;">Σε αντάλλαγμα αυτής της αναστροφής πορείας, η ελληνική κυβέρνηση κέρδισε κάποιες παραχωρήσεις, συμπεριλαμβανομένης μιας κάποιας χαλάρωσης των δημοσιονομικών στόχων που πρέπει να πληροί.</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white; font-size: large;">Σύμφωνα με τους όρους του προγράμματος διάσωσης που συμφωνήθηκε το 2012, η Ελλάδα έπρεπε να δημιουργήσει ένα πρωτογενές πλεόνασμα της τάξης του 4,5 τοις εκατό του ΑΕΠ (Το πρωτογενές πλεόνασμα αναφέρεται στα φορολογικά έσοδα μείον τις δαπάνες, μη συμπεριλαμβανομένων των τόκων για το δημόσιο χρέος.).</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white; font-size: large;">Η επίσημη δήλωση σχετικά με τη νέα συμφωνία δεν καθορίζει συγκεκριμένο στόχο για το τρέχον έτος. "Οι Ελληνικές αρχές έχουν επίσης δεσμευτεί να διασφαλίσουν τα κατάλληλα πρωτογενή δημοσιονομικά πλεονάσματα ... σύμφωνα με τη δήλωση του Eurogroup του Νοεμβρίου 2012", γράφει, αλλά προσθέτει, «Τα θεσμικά όργανα, για το πρωτογενές πλεόνασμα του 2015, θα λάβουν υπόψη τις οικονομικές συνθήκες του 2015». Αυτό υποδεικνύει κάποια ευελιξία.</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white; font-size: large;">Ο Βαρουφάκης έχει επανειλημμένα πει ότι η κυβέρνησή του θα έχει ως στόχο να πετύχει πλεόνασμα 1,5 τοις εκατό του ΑΕΠ. Δεδομένου ότι τα φορολογικά έσοδα έχουν καταρρεύσει κατά τους τελευταίους δύο μήνες, αυτό εξακολουθεί να είναι ένας φιλόδοξος στόχος, και φαίνεται να αποκλείει οποιαδήποτε μεγάλης κλίμακας εφαρμογή μιας κεϋνσιανού τύπου αναπτυξιακής πολιτικής. Αλλά η οποιαδήποτε χαλάρωση των υφιστάμενων πολιτικών λιτότητας θα ήταν ευπρόσδεκτη για τους Έλληνες, και, μετά την επίτευξη της συμφωνίας, αυτό είναι που έλεγαν πως πέτυχαν οι Έλληνες αξιωματούχοι. "Η Ελλάδα σήμερα άλλαξε σελίδα", είπε ένας αξιωματούχος στο Reuters. "Έχουμε αποφύγει τα υφεσιακά μέτρα". Αυτό είναι λίγο τραβηγμένο.</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white; font-size: large;">Ο ΣΥΡΙΖΑ πράγματι πήρε κάτι σημαντικό από τη συμφωνία, αλλά τίποτα σαν αυτό που ήλπιζαν όταν ανέλαβαν την εξουσία, στις 25 Ιανουαρίου. Τότε, έγινε λόγος για την απελευθέρωση όχι μόνο της Ελλάδας, αλλά ολόκληρης της ηπείρου από την λαβή των πολιτικών λιτότητας. Μετά από την ανακοίνωση της συμφωνίας της Παρασκευής, κάποιοι Έλληνες δημοσιογράφοι προειδοποίησαν ότι θα είναι πολύ δύσκολο για τους Βαρουφάκη και Τσίπρα να παρουσιάσουν τη συμφωνία στα ριζοσπαστικά στοιχεία του κόμματος, αυτούς που βρέθηκαν έξω στους δρόμους διαμαρτυρόμενοι για την κακοπιστία της Γερμανίας, των Βρυξελλών και της ΕΚΤ. Εκ των υστέρων, είναι σαφές ότι οι Τσίπρας και Βαρουφάκης πόνταραν πολλά ενώ δεν έπρεπε.</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white; font-size: large;">Οι αρχικές καυχησιές τους ενόχλησαν πολύ τους Γερμανούς και αποξένωσαν τους άλλους παράγοντες που χρειαζόταν να πείσουν, όπως την ΕΚΤ και την Ευρωπαϊκή Επιτροπή. Δεδομένου ότι ο Βαρουφάκης είναι ακαδημαϊκός ειδήμων της θεωρίας παιγνίων, το ότι ... έπαιξαν τόσο λάθος μοιάζει λίγο περίεργο, αλλά ίσως δεν είναι απολύτως έτσι. Έχοντας εκτοξευθεί στην εξουσία σχεδόν από το πουθενά, η ηγεσία του ΣΥΡΙΖΑ ήταν ευεξήγητα ζαλισμένη, και ευεξήγητα πρόθυμη να ανταποκριθεί στις απαιτήσεις του λαϊκού κινήματος διαμαρτυρίας που ήταν υπεύθυνο για την άνοδο της.</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white; font-size: large;">Οι Τσίπρας και Βαρουφάκης είχαν επίσης και την οικονομική λογική με το μέρος τους. Οι πολιτικές λιτότητας έχουν αποδειχθεί καταστροφικές για τη χώρα εν γένει. Το ακαθάριστο εγχώριο προϊόν στην Ελλάδα έχει μειωθεί κατά περίπου το ένα τέταρτο από το 2009, και το ποσοστό ανεργίας ανέρχεται σε περίπου είκοσι πέντε τοις εκατό.</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white; font-size: large;">Η λιτότητα δεν έχει ακόμη πετύχει να μειώσει το βάρος του χρέους της χώρας. Επειδή το ΑΕΠ μειώνεται μέχρι στιγμής, η αναλογία χρέους προς ΑΕΠ συνέχισε να αυξάνεται, και τώρα ανέρχεται σε περίπου εκατόν εβδομήντα πέντε τοις εκατό. Σε κάποια άλλα μέρη της Ευρώπης, υπάρχει μεγάλη συμπάθεια για τα δεινά των Ελλήνων, καθώς και για το επιχείρημά τους ότι η λιτότητα έχει αποδειχθεί αντιπαραγωγική. Αλλά το γεγονός είναι ότι οι Τσίπρας και Βαρουφάκης δεν είχαν πολύ διαπραγματευτική ισχύ, και θα έπρεπε να το έχουν αναγνωρίσει αυτό νωρίτερα.</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white; font-size: large;">Από την αρχή, υπήρχε μόνο μια απειλή που θα μπορούσαν να έχουν κάνει και η οποία θα τρόμαζε τη Γερμανία και τις άλλες χώρες του πυρήνα (σ.σ. της Ευρωζώνης): ότι η Ελλάδα, αν δεν πάρει τη συμφωνία που ήθελε, θα χρεοκοπούσε, θα αποχωρούσε από τη ζώνη του ευρώ , και θα επέστρεφε στο να τυπώνει το δικό της νόμισμα.<br style="box-sizing: border-box;" /><br style="box-sizing: border-box;" />Όμως, η πλειοψηφία του ελληνικού λαού, παρά τα όσα έχει περάσει, θέλουν να κρατήσουν το ευρώ, και, κατά τη διάρκεια της προεκλογικής εκστρατείας, ο ΣΥΡΙΖΑ είπε ότι δεν είχε καμία πρόθεση να φύγει από το κοινό νόμισμα. Από οικονομική άποψη, αυτό ήταν αναμφισβήτητα μια αυτοκαταστροφική πολιτική: η ελληνική οικονομία βρίσκεται σε τόσο κακή κατάσταση που θα ήταν ίσως καλύτερο να ακολουθήσει το παράδειγμα της Αργεντινής, η οποία, το 2002, αθέτησε τις υποχρεώσεις της σχετικά με τα χρέη της και είπε αντίο στο ΔΝΤ.</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white; font-size: large;">Το ότι υποσχέθηκε να κρατήσει το ευρώ ήταν ένα μέρος από το τίμημα που κατέβαλε ο ΣΥΡΙΖΑ για να λαμβάνεται σοβαρά υπόψη ως πολιτική δύναμη. Μόλις ο Βόλφγκανγκ Σόιμπλε, ο σκληρός Γερμανός υπουργός Οικονομικών, συνειδητοποίησε ότι ο Βαρουφάκης δεν θα μπορούσε να παίξει το χαρτί του Grexit, ήξερε ότι τον είχε εκεί όπου τον ήθελε.</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white; font-size: large;">Η γερμανική κυβέρνηση αρνήθηκε νέτα-σκέτα ακόμη και να εξετάσει ένα ελληνικό αίτημα για τον τερματισμό του προγράμματος διάσωσης και την έκδοση ενός νέου δανείου-γέφυρα και σιωπηρά ενθάρρυνε την ΕΚΤ να εκδώσει μια σειρά από προειδοποιήσεις για τους Έλληνες.</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white; font-size: large;">Και μετά, μια-δυο μέρες πριν, αφού ο Βαρουφάκης είχε αλλάξει πορεία και ζήτησε παράταση της τρέχουσας διάσωσης, ο Σόιμπλε απέρριψε και το αίτημα αυτό, αναγκάζοντας τους Έλληνες να κάνουν ακόμα περισσότερες παραχωρήσεις.</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white; font-size: large;">Ακόμα και μετά το κλείσιμο της συμφωνίας, ο Σόιμπλε φαινομενικά δεν μπορούσε να αντισταθεί στο να ρίξει μια μπηχτή στον Βαρουφάκη και τους συνεργάτες του. Σύμφωνα με το ανεκτίμητο live blog του Guardian, παρατήρησε: "Οι Έλληνες σίγουρα θα δυσκολευθούν να εξηγήσουν τη συμφωνία στους ψηφοφόρους τους".</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white; font-size: large;">Ο Βαρουφάκης, στα σχόλιά του, ήταν πιο συγκρατημένος. "Τώρα δεν είναι η στιγμή για αγαλλίαση», είπε. «Αυτή η συμφωνία αποτελεί ένα μικρό βήμα προς τη σωστή κατεύθυνση".</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white;">ΠΗΓΗ: <a href="http://www.newyorker.com/news/john-cassidy/greece-got-outmaneuvered" style="border-image-outset: initial; border-image-repeat: initial; border-image-slice: initial; border-image-source: initial; border-image-width: initial; border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline;" target="_hplink">newyorker.com</a></span></span></div>
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M. Η. Μ.http://www.blogger.com/profile/14367284148351582033noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-7420399030365885847.post-44265830673789954712015-02-11T07:13:00.000-08:002015-02-11T07:13:00.504-08:00The Real Turkish Heroes of 1915<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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February 10, 2015</div>
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<em style="border: 0px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><strong style="border: 0px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="border: 0px; font-size: small; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">By Raffi Bedrosyan</span></strong></em></div>
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<span style="border: 0px; font-size: small; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Germany has decided to name several neighborhoods, streets, buildings, and public schools in Berlin and other German cities after Adolf Hitler and other Nazi “heroes.”</span></div>
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<span style="border: 0px; font-size: small; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">If the above statement were to be true, how would you react? How do you think Germans would react? How do you think Jews still living in Germany would react? My guess is that you, the Germans, and the Jews would all find it inconceivable, offensive, and unacceptable.</span></div>
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<span style="border: 0px; font-size: small; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">And yet, it is true in Turkey, where it is acceptable to name several neighborhoods, streets, and schools after Talat Pasha and other <em style="border: 0px; font-size: 16px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Ittihat ve Terakki</em> (Committee of Union and Progress) “heroes” who not only planned and carried out the Armenian Genocide, but were responsible for the loss of the Ottoman Empire itself.</span></div>
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<span style="border: 0px; font-size: small; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">At last count, there were officially 8 “Talat Pasha” neighborhoods or districts, 38 “Talat Pasha” streets or boulevards, 7 “Talat Pasha” public schools, 6 “Talat Pasha” buildings, and 2 “Talat Pasha” mosques scattered around Istanbul, Ankara, and other cities. After his assassination in 1922, Talat was originally interred in Berlin, Germany, but his remains were transferred to Istanbul in 1943 by the Nazis in an attempt to appease the Turks. He was re-buried with full military honors at the Infinite Freedom Hill Cemetery in Istanbul. The remains of the other notorious <em style="border: 0px; font-size: 16px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Ittihat ve Terakki</em> leader, Enver Pasha, were also transferred in 1996 from Tajikistan and re-buried beside Talat, with full military honors; the ceremony was attended by Turkish President Suleyman Demirel and other dignitaries.</span></div>
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<span style="border: 0px; font-size: small; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Is this hero worship misguided or deliberate? Is the denial of 1915 only state policy, or is it wholeheartedly accepted by the Turkish public, brainwashed by the state version of history?</span></div>
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<span style="border: 0px; font-size: small; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Undoubtedly, there was mass participation in the genocide committed by the <em style="border: 0px; font-size: 16px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Ittihat ve Terakki</em> leaders, resulting in the removal of Armenians from their homeland of 3,000 years, as well as the immediate transfer of their wealth, property, and possessions to the Turkish and Kurdish public, and to thousands of government officials. Yet, despite this mass participation and the hero worship, there were also a significant number of ordinary Turks and Kurds, as well as government officials, who refused to participate in the massacres and plunders. There is complete silence and ignorance in Turkey about these righteous officials who refused to follow government orders and instead tried to save and protect the Armenians. They paid dearly for their actions, often with the loss of their positions or even their lives as a consequence. This article will cite some examples of these real and unsung heroes.</span></div>
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<span style="border: 0px; font-size: small; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><a href="http://armenianweekly.com/wp-content/uploads/2013/07/Celal.jpg" rel="prettyPhoto" style="border: 0px; font-size: 16px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline;"><img alt="Konya governor Celal Bey" class="size-full wp-image-26408" height="320" src="http://armenianweekly.com/wp-content/uploads/2013/07/Celal.jpg" style="border: 0px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;" width="198" /></a></span><div class="wp-caption-text" style="border: 0px; color: #3a3b3d; outline: 0px; padding: 0px 13px 10px 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">
<span style="border: 0px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-decoration: underline; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="border: 0px; font-size: small; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Konya governor Celal Bey</span></span></div>
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<span style="border: 0px; font-size: small; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Celal Bey was the governor of Konya, a vast central Anatolian province and a hub for the Armenian deportation routes from north and west Anatolia to the Syrian desert. He knew exactly what the Armenians’ fate would be along these routes, or if they survived the deportations and reached Der Zor; he was previously the governor of Aleppo and had witnessed the atrocities there. Celal Bey had attempted to reason with the <em style="border: 0px; font-size: 16px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Ittihat ve Terakki</em>leaders, saying that there was absolutely no Armenian revolt in Anatolia, nor in Aleppo, and that there was no justification for the mass deportations. However, one of his subordinates in Marash inflamed the situation by arresting and executing several Marash Armenians, triggering a resistance by the Armenians. As a result, Celal Bey was removed from his governor’s post in Aleppo and transferred to Konya. Once there, he refused to arrange for the deportation of the Konya Armenians, despite repeated orders from Istanbul. He even managed to protect some of the Armenians who were deported from other districts and arrived in Konya. By the time he was removed from his post, in October 1915, he had saved thousands of Armenian lives. In his memoirs about the Konya governorship, he likened himself to “a person sitting beside a river, with absolutely no means of rescuing anyone from it. Blood was flowing down the river, with thousands of innocent children, irreproachable old men, and helpless women streaming down the river towards oblivion. Anyone I could save with my bare hands, I saved, and the rest went down the river, never to return.”</span></div>
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<span style="border: 0px; font-size: small; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Hasan Mazhar Bey was the governor of Ankara. He protected the Ankara-Armenian community by refusing to follow the deportation orders, stating, “I am a <em style="border: 0px; font-size: 16px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">vali</em> [governor], not a bandit. I cannot do this. Let someone else come and sit in my chair to carry out these orders.” He was removed from his post in August 1915.</span></div>
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<span style="border: 0px; font-size: small; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Faik Ali (Ozansoy) Bey was the governor of Kutahya, another central Anatolian province. When the deportation order was issued from Istanbul, he refused to implement it; on the contrary, he gave orders to keep the deported Armenians arriving in Kutahya from elsewhere, and treat them well. He was soon summoned to Istanbul to explain his subordination, and the police chief of Kutahya, Kemal Bey, took the opportunity to threaten the local Armenians—either convert to Islam or face deportation, he said. The Armenians decided to convert. When Faik Ali Bey returned, he was enraged. He removed the police chief from his post, and asked the Armenians if they still wished to convert to Islam. They all decided to remain Christian, except one. Faik Ali’s brother, Suleyman Nazif Bey, was an influential and well-known poet who urged his brother not to participate in this barbarianism and stain the family name. Faik Ali Bey was not removed from his post despite his offers of resignation. He ended up protecting the entire Armenian population of Kutahya, except for the one who converted to Islam and was deported.</span></div>
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<span style="border: 0px; font-size: small; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><a href="http://armenianweekly.com/wp-content/uploads/2013/07/DrRachoDonef.jpg" rel="prettyPhoto" style="border: 0px; font-size: 16px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline;"><img alt="Kutahya governor Faik Ali Ozansoy " class="size-full wp-image-26409" height="330" src="http://armenianweekly.com/wp-content/uploads/2013/07/DrRachoDonef.jpg" style="border: 0px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;" width="250" /></a></span><div class="wp-caption-text" style="border: 0px; color: #3a3b3d; outline: 0px; padding: 0px 13px 10px 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">
<span style="border: 0px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-decoration: underline; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="border: 0px; font-size: small; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Kutahya governor Faik Ali Ozansoy</span></span></div>
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<span style="border: 0px; font-size: small; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Mustafa Bey (Azizoglu) was the district governor of Malatya, a transit point on the deportation route. Although he was unable to prevent the deportations, he managed to hide several Armenians in his own home. He was murdered by his own son, a zealous member of the <em style="border: 0px; font-size: 16px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Ittihat ve Terakki</em> Party, for “looking after infidels [<em style="border: 0px; font-size: 16px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">gavours</em>, in Turkish].”</span></div>
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<span style="border: 0px; font-size: small; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Other government officials who defied the deportation orders included Reshit Pasha, the governor of Kastamonu; Tahsin Bey, the governor of Erzurum; Ferit Bey, the governor of Basra; Mehmet Cemal Bey, the district governor of Yozgat; and Sabit Bey, the district governor of Batman. These officials were eventually removed from their posts and replaced by more obedient civil servants, who carried out the task of wiping out the Armenians from these locations.</span></div>
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<span style="border: 0px; font-size: small; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">One of the most tragic stories of unsung heroes involves Huseyin Nesimi Bey, the mayor of Lice, a town near Diyarbakir. While the governor of Diyarbakir, Reshit Bey, organized the most ruthless removal of the Armenians in the Diyarbakir region—with a quick massacre, rather than lengthy deportation, immediately outside of the city limits—Huseyin Nesimi dared to keep and protect the Lice Armenians, a total of 5,980 souls. Reshit summoned Huseyin Nesimi to Diyarbakir for a meeting, but arranged to have his Circassian militant guard Haroun intercept him en route. On June 15, 1915, Haroun murdered Huseyin Nesimi and threw him into a ditch beside the road. Since then, the murder location, halfway between Lice and Diyarbakir, has become known as <em style="border: 0px; font-size: 16px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Turbe-i Kaymakam</em>, or the Mayor’s Grave. The Turkish records document this murder as “Mayor killed by Armenian militants.” In an ironic twist of history repeating itself, in October 1993 the Turkish state army attacked Lice, supposedly to go after the Kurdish rebel militants there; instead, they ended up burning down the entire town and killing the civilian population. This became the first case the Kurds took to the European Human Rights Court, resulting in a 2.5 million pound compensation against the Turkish state. At the same time, several wealthy Kurdish businessmen were targeted for assassination and murdered by then-Turkish Prime Minister Tansu Ciller. One of the victims was a man named Behcet Canturk, whose mother was an Armenian orphan who had managed to survive the Lice massacres of 1915.</span></div>
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<span style="border: 0px; font-size: small; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><a href="http://armenianweekly.com/wp-content/uploads/2013/07/huseyin-nasimi-bey.jpg" rel="prettyPhoto" style="border: 0px; font-size: 16px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline;"><img alt="Lice mayor Huseyin Nesimi Bey" class="size-full wp-image-26411" height="290" src="http://armenianweekly.com/wp-content/uploads/2013/07/huseyin-nasimi-bey.jpg" style="border: 0px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;" width="250" /></a></span><div class="wp-caption-text" style="border: 0px; color: #3a3b3d; outline: 0px; padding: 0px 13px 10px 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">
<span style="border: 0px; font-size: small; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-decoration: underline; vertical-align: baseline;">Lice mayor Huseyin Nesimi Bey</span></div>
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<span style="border: 0px; font-size: small; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Governor Reshit was also responsible for firing and murdering several other government officials in the Diyarbakir region who had defied the deportation orders: Chermik Mayor Mehmet Hamdi Bey, Savur Mayor Mehmet Ali Bey, Silvan Mayor Ibrahim Hakki Bey, Mardin Mayor Hilmi Bey, followed by Shefik Bey, were all fired in mid- to late-1915. Another official, Nuri Bey, the mayor of first Midyat and then Derik, an all-Armenian town near Mardin, was also fired by Reshit Bey, and subsequently murdered by his henchmen. His murder was blamed on Armenian rebels. As a result, all of the Armenian males in Derik were rounded up and executed, and the women and children deported.</span></div>
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<span style="border: 0px; font-size: small; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">The names of these brave men are not in the history books. If mentioned at all, they are labeled as “traitors” from the perspective of the official Turkish version of history. While the state and the masses committed a huge crime, and while that crime became a part of their daily life, these men rejected the genocidal campaign, based on individual conscience, and despite the temptation of enriching themselves. These few virtuous men, as well as a significant number of ordinary Turks and Kurds, defied the orders and protected the Armenians. They are the real heroes, and represent the Turkish version of similar characters in “Schindler’s List” or “Hotel Rwanda.” Citizens of Turkey today have two choices when remembering their forefathers as heroes: to either go with the mass murderers and plunderers who committed “crimes against humanity,” or the virtuous human beings with a clear conscience who tried to <em style="border: 0px; font-size: 16px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">prevent</em> the “crimes against humanity.” Getting to know these real heroes will help Turks break loose from the chains of denialist history over four generations, and start to confront the realities of 1915.</span></div>
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M. Η. Μ.http://www.blogger.com/profile/14367284148351582033noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-7420399030365885847.post-25468403899065118802015-01-26T22:29:00.000-08:002015-01-26T22:36:47.214-08:00Greece’s Agonized Cry to Europe<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white;"><span class="kicker-label" style="font-size: large; letter-spacing: normal; line-height: 1.5rem; text-transform: none;"><a href="http://www.nytimes.com/pages/opinion/index.html" style="outline-offset: -2px; outline: -webkit-focus-ring-color auto 5px;">The Opinion Pages</a></span><span style="font-size: large;"> </span><span class="pipe" style="font-size: large; margin: 0px 10px 0px 8px; vertical-align: text-bottom;">|</span><span style="font-size: small;">THE NEW YORK TIMES EDITORIAL BOARD</span></span></span></h3>
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<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white; font-size: small;"><span class="byline" itemid="http://www.nytimes.com/interactive/opinion/editorialboard.html" itemprop="author creator" itemscope="" itemtype="http://schema.org/Person" style="font-family: nyt-cheltenham-sh, georgia, 'times new roman', times, serif; font-weight: 700; line-height: 0.75rem;">By <a href="http://www.nytimes.com/interactive/opinion/editorialboard.html" rel="author" style="text-decoration: none;" title="More Articles by THE EDITORIAL BOARD"><span class="byline-author" data-byline-name="THE EDITORIAL BOARD" itemprop="name">THE EDITORIAL BOARD</span></a></span><time class="dateline" datetime="2015-01-26" style="font-family: nyt-cheltenham-sh, georgia, 'times new roman', times, serif; line-height: 0.75rem; margin-left: 12px;">JAN. 26, 2015</time></span></span></h3>
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<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white; font-size: large;">The message from<a href="http://www.nytimes.com/2015/01/27/world/europe/alexis-tsipiras-greece-coalition.html?ref=world&_r=0" title="NYT"> Sunday’s elections in Greece</a> was unambiguous: The Greeks cannot and will not continue to abide by the austerity regime that has brought their economy to its knees. It was a message the Germans and other Europeans who continue to insist that Greece pay off its mountainous debt, no matter what the damage, must hear. Persisting on their dogmatic course is not only wrong for Greece but dangerous for the entire European Union.</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white; font-size: large;">It is too soon to anticipate how Alexis Tsipras, the maverick politician whose left-wing Syriza party won 36.3 percent of the popular vote and nearly gained an outright majority in Parliament, intends to deliver on the promises he made to voters to abandon the austerity program while reducing the nation’s debt and retaining the euro.</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white; font-size: large;">These goals are fundamentally incompatible, but the new prime minister has signaled to Europeans that he is ready to moderate his ambitions once in office. It is essential that Chancellor Angela Merkel of Germany, who is seen by Greeks as the prime architect of the austerity program, and the “troika” of the European Commission, the European Central Bank and the International Monetary Fund, which manage the Greek bailout, demonstrate a similar readiness to ease the size and conditions of Greece’s debt burden.</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white; font-size: large;">Some of the creditors still seem to feel that a debt is a debt to be repaid in full, and that the Greeks “deserve” punishment for their history of profligate spending and habitual tax evasion. But shrinking an economy by a quarter and throwing more than half the young people out of work — policies Mr. Tsipras has likened to waterboarding — is not the way to enable a country to pay back its debts. Greece needs some breathing room, not only to give Mr. Tsipras a chance to turn the country around but also for the sake of the rest of Europe.</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white; font-size: large;">Greece may be exceptional in the size of its debt burden, now about 177 percent of G.D.P., and its systemic problems run deep. But Greeks are not unique in their feelings of alienation and anger over the economic crisis that spread to many of the poorer countries of the European Union, and Syriza is hardly the most radical of the fringe parties that have arisen across Europe in reaction to the crisis. If Greece is pushed to the limit and compelled to default on its debt payments, and even to abandon the euro, the economic repercussions would spread through all Europe. Politically, a “Grexit” — Greek exit from the euro — would shatter the assumption that there is no retreat from the euro and further destabilize Europe. And it would certainly add fuel to anti-European Union sentiments that have propelled the growth of far-right parties.</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white; font-size: large;">Of course, Mr. Tsipras must use his popular mandate to push through the fundamental domestic reforms that his predecessor, Antonis Samaras, had begun. The moneyed elites’ aversion to paying taxes must be brought to an end, along with the corruption, nepotism and cronyism in government. Opposing austerity does not mean abandoning reform as a <a href="http://uk.businessinsider.com/stiglitz-pissarides-goodhart-call-for-debt-forgiveness-for-greece-2015-1?r=US">group of prominent economists wrote</a> recently in The Financial Times.</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white; font-size: large;">There is not a lot of time, though. Greece’s current bailout program expires on Feb. 28. European Union leaders — Mr. Tsipras among them — are scheduled to gather in Brussels on Feb. 12. An announcement there of an extension of the program for several months would be a good signal that the Europeans have heard the cry of the Greeks and are prepared to be more sensible.</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white; font-size: x-small;">A version of this editorial appears in print on January 27, 2015, on page A20 of the <span itemprop="printEdition">New York edition</span> with the headline: Greece’s Agonized Cry to Europe. <span class="story-footer-links" style="display: inline-block;"><a href="https://s100.copyright.com/AppDispatchServlet?contentID=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.nytimes.com%2F2015%2F01%2F27%2Fopinion%2Fgreeces-agonized-cry-to-europe.html&publisherName=The+New+York+Times&publication=nytimes.com&token=&orderBeanReset=true&postType=&wordCount=592&title=Greece%26%238217%3Bs+Agonized+Cry+to+Europe&publicationDate=January+26%2C+2015&author=By%20The%20Editorial%20Board" style="text-decoration: none;" target="_blank">Order Reprints</a><span class="pipe" style="margin: 0px 3px;">|</span> <a href="http://www.nytimes.com/pages/todayspaper/index.html" style="text-decoration: none;" target="_blank">Today's Paper</a><span class="pipe" style="margin: 0px 3px;">|</span><a href="http://www.nytimes.com/subscriptions/Multiproduct/lp839RF.html?campaignId=48JQY" style="text-decoration: none;" target="_blank">Subscribe</a></span></span></span></div>
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M. Η. Μ.http://www.blogger.com/profile/14367284148351582033noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-7420399030365885847.post-40070016713613320882015-01-26T15:59:00.000-08:002015-01-26T15:59:28.286-08:00Alexis Tsipras pays homage to Greek communists at site of Nazi atrocity<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<figcaption class="caption caption--main caption--img" itemprop="description" style="line-height: 1rem; max-width: none; min-height: 1.75rem; padding: 0.5rem 0px 1.5rem;"><span style="background-color: #660000; color: white; font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;"><b><span style="font-size: 0.75rem;"> </span>Alexis Tsipras places flowers on the National Resistance Memorial in Kaisariani on Monday. Photograph: Alexandros Beltes/EPA</b></span></figcaption><figcaption class="caption caption--main caption--img" itemprop="description" style="line-height: 1rem; max-width: none; min-height: 1.75rem; padding: 0.5rem 0px 1.5rem;"><span style="line-height: 22px;"><span style="color: white; font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: x-large;"><b><span style="background-color: #660000;">Greece’s new prime minister lays red roses as a symbol of ‘liberty from German occupation’, says his Syriza party</span></b></span></span></figcaption><figcaption class="caption caption--main caption--img" itemprop="description" style="line-height: 1rem; max-width: none; min-height: 1.75rem; padding: 0.5rem 0px 1.5rem;"><span style="background-color: #660000; color: white; font-size: large;"><span style="font-family: 'Guardian Text Egyptian Web', Georgia, serif; line-height: 24px;">Few places in</span><span style="font-family: 'Guardian Text Egyptian Web', Georgia, serif; line-height: 24px;"> </span><a class=" u-underline" data-component="auto-linked-tag" data-link-name="auto-linked-tag" href="http://www.theguardian.com/world/greece" style="-webkit-transition: border-color 0.15s ease-out; background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-size: initial; border-bottom-color: rgb(220, 220, 220); border-bottom-style: solid; border-bottom-width: 0.0625rem; cursor: pointer; font-family: 'Guardian Text Egyptian Web', Georgia, serif; line-height: 24px; text-decoration: none !important; transition: border-color 0.15s ease-out;">Greece</a><span style="font-family: 'Guardian Text Egyptian Web', Georgia, serif; line-height: 24px;"> </span><span style="font-family: 'Guardian Text Egyptian Web', Georgia, serif; line-height: 24px;">conjure the spirit of resistance as much as the war memorial in Kaisariani. It stands on the spot where 200 political activists – mostly communists – were executed by Nazi forces on May Day 1944. The monument in a rifle range in one of Athens’ “red” suburbs, is redolent of defiance but, perhaps more than that, the battle against tyranny. That Greece’s new prime minister Alexis Tsipras, Europe’s first radical left leader, should elect to visit the monument minutes after being sworn in, is rich with symbolism – and defiance too. Red roses in hand, resistance veterans looking on, the young firebrand paid homage to the victims in his first act in office. “It represents national resistance to German occupation,” says Panos Skourletis, spokesman of Syriza, an alliance of far-left groups ranging from Maoists to greens. “But also the desire of Greeks for freedom, for liberty from German occupation.”</span></span></figcaption><div style="font-family: 'Guardian Text Egyptian Web', Georgia, serif; line-height: 24px; margin-bottom: 1rem; padding: 0px;">
<span style="background-color: #660000; color: white; font-size: large;">If explanation were needed, he adds: “It was purely symbolic.”</span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000; color: white; font-size: large;">Tsipras, who at 40 becomes Greece’s youngest post-war leader, is a deft communicator with an army of (mostly) US-trained advisers. For a nation battered by German-inspired austerity and humiliated by international focus, standing up to Europe’s paymaster by whatever means plays well with the gallery.</span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000; color: white; font-size: large;">As the TV cameras rolled, Greek commentators couldn’t help themselves: “It’s another ‘up yours’ to the Germans,” one said.</span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000; color: white; font-size: large;">Tsipras told thousands of supporters in a victory speech on Sunday that he would seek to restore “their lost dignity”. For Greek leftists, widely persecuted after their defeat in the bloody civil war that followed the Wehrmacht’s withdrawal from Greece, such gestures are hugely significant.</span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000; color: white; font-size: large;">The men and women who were shot dead at dawn that day were killed in reprisal for the guerrilla ambush of a German general, Franz Krech, and three of his aides at Molaos, near Sparti, in the Peloponnese.</span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000; color: white; font-size: large;">Famously they began to sing – giving an uproarious rendition of the Greek national anthem – as they were lead to their deaths from the notorious SS-run camp at Haidari, then a suburb on the outskirts of Athens. German soldiers looked on astonished as the Greeks broke into song. Once at the range, the hostages refused to undress – insisting that they go dressed with dignity. It was an act of resistance that in austerity-whipped Greece resonates greatly today.</span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000; color: white; font-family: Guardian Text Egyptian Web, Georgia, serif; font-size: large; line-height: 24px;">http://www.theguardian.com/world/2015/jan/26/alexis-tsipras-greece-syriza-kaisariani-nazi-german</span></div>
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M. Η. Μ.http://www.blogger.com/profile/14367284148351582033noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-7420399030365885847.post-84623374210552153692015-01-26T15:37:00.001-08:002015-01-26T15:37:46.692-08:00What was the outcome of the Greek election over the weekend and why were these elections important?<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<a href="http://dailysignal.com/category/international" style="border-top-color: rgb(179, 2, 57); border-top-style: solid; border-width: 2px 0px 0px; box-sizing: border-box; float: left; font-family: inherit; font-size: inherit; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; letter-spacing: 1px; line-height: inherit; margin: -1px 0px 0px; padding: 5px 2px 0px 0px; text-decoration: none; text-transform: uppercase; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white;">iNTERNATIONAL</span></span></a><span style="border-top-color: rgb(179, 2, 57); border-top-style: solid; border-width: 2px 0px 0px; box-sizing: border-box; float: left; font-family: inherit; font-size: inherit; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; letter-spacing: 1px; line-height: inherit; margin: -1px 0px 0px; padding: 5px 30px 0px 2px; text-transform: uppercase; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white;">COMMENTARY</span></span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white;">Q&A: Meet the Party That, By Promising Greeks End of Austerity Measures, Won the Election</span></span></h1>
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<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white;"><a href="http://dailysignal.com/author/luke-coffey/" style="-webkit-transition: color 0.25s ease-in-out; border: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: inherit; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; text-decoration: none; transition: color 0.25s ease-in-out; vertical-align: baseline;">Luke Coffey </a><span style="border: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: inherit; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px 5px; vertical-align: baseline;">/</span> <a class="twitter-name" href="http://twitter.com/LukeDCoffey" style="-webkit-transition: color 0.25s ease-in-out; border: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: inherit; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; text-decoration: none; transition: color 0.25s ease-in-out; vertical-align: baseline;">@LukeDCoffey</a> <span style="border: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: inherit; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px 5px; vertical-align: baseline;">/</span> <time class="date" datetime="2015-01-26" style="border: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: inherit; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">January 26, 2015</time> <span style="border: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: inherit; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px 5px; vertical-align: baseline;">/</span></span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000; color: white; font-size: 1.125rem; line-height: 1.625rem;">The recent elections in Greece have sent shockwaves across Europe. A far-leftwing party, The Coalition of the Radica</span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: white; font-size: 1.125rem; line-height: 1.625rem;">l Left, commonly known as Syriza, won the most seats but not enough seats for an absolute majority.</span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white;">Within hours Syriza formed a small coalition with the right-wing Independent Greeks. It is also worth pointing out that the neo-Nazi Golden Dawn party came in third place.</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white;">In terms of the future of the eurozone and European integration these elections were historical. The future of Greece in the eurozone and the pace at which economic and political integration in Europe will take place is at stake.</span></span><span style="background-color: #660000; color: white; font-size: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: 700; line-height: inherit;">Why is Syriza so popular and what did it promise the Greek people? </span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white;">Basically, Syriza branded itself as the anti-austerity party. During the elections it adopted populist policies that make for good campaign posters but not responsible government. For example, one of its key policies is raising minimum monthly salaries from €580 to €751. But in the current economic climate this is hardly possible.</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white;">Most importantly, Syriza promised an end to austerity measures. It has also pledged to re-negotiate the terms of the multiple bailouts Greece has received in the past few years with the hope to delay debt repayments or even have the some of the debt written off.</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000; border: 0px; font-size: inherit; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: 700; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: white;">How will the rest of Europe respond? Does this mean that Greece might leave the eurozone?</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white;">During his victory speech Alexis Tsipras, the leader of Syriza, declared an end to the “humiliation and pain” of Greece’s austerity measures. He has pledged to re-negotiate Greece’s debt repayments to the Troika (the European Union, International Monetary Fund and the European Central Bank).</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white;">On the other hand, European leaders have said that, regardless of the electoral outcome, Greece must stick by the terms of its €240 billion bailout agreement.</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white;">What we are likely to see now is a massive game of chicken between the EU—led by Germany—and Greece. As this is uncharted territory and anything could happen—including Greece leaving the eurozone and returning to its old currency, the drachma.</span></span></div>
<div style="border: 0px; float: none; font-family: 'Source Sans Pro', sans-serif; font-size: 1.125rem; font-stretch: inherit; line-height: 1.625rem; margin-bottom: 24px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline; width: 594.203125px;">
<span style="background-color: #660000; border: 0px; font-size: inherit; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: 700; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: white;">What does this mean for the future of the European Union?</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white;">The election result shows the political challenges Europeans face in the coming months. Many Europeans are tired of the EU’s incessant push for deeper political and economic integration. This disenchantment has manifested itself in the rise of extreme parties across Europe. Of course, the most obvious example is Syriza and Golden Dawn in Greece, but the National Front in France, and extreme right-wing party, won the most seats during the 2014 European parliamentary elections.</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white;">This doesn’t bode well for an organization that won the Nobel Peace Prize in 2012 for bringing stability to Europe.</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000; border: 0px; font-size: inherit; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: 700; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: white;">What about the future of the European economy?</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white;">It is unlikely the election results will bring drastic change to the eurozone. Countries in Europe’s south have not made the structural reforms needed for long term adjustment. The eurozone’s overall economic freedom is seriously undermined by the excessive government spending required to support an elaborate welfare state. Economic policies being pursued by many eurozone countries are hindering productivity growth and job creation, causing economic stagnation and rapidly increasing levels of public debt.</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white;">Regrettably, many still believe that more European integration, not prudent economic policies, is the answer to Europe’s problem.</span></span></div>
<div style="border: 0px; float: none; font-family: 'Source Sans Pro', sans-serif; font-size: 1.125rem; font-stretch: inherit; line-height: 1.625rem; margin-bottom: 24px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline; width: 594.203125px;">
<span style="background-color: #660000; border: 0px; font-size: inherit; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: 700; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: white;">The EU was created, in part, to help bring stability and peace to Europe but what we see in Greece is the opposite, right?</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white;">Yes, that is correct. Over the past six decades the EU has developed into one of the most undemocratic institutions in the western world. Power has been removed from sovereign-nation states and has become consolidated in obtuse decision-making institutions in Brussels. Those countries that joined the Eurozone and adapted the single currency have lost monetary control.</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white;">Not since the start of the EU experiment, have more Europeans felt so distant from the decision making processes of governance that affects their daily lives. In the case of Greece, decisions taken by the EU have had a disastrous effect on society. The unemployment in Greece is just over 25 percent. Youth unemployment is closer to 60 percent. A whole generation of young people feel lost in society. This does not bring stability, but breeds resentment.</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000; border: 0px; font-size: inherit; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: 700; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: white;">Why should American policymakers care?</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white;">Political instability in Greece could spill over to other places in southeastern Europe—already one of Europe’s most unstable regions. It has already been reported the Russian ambassador to Greece had been seen entering the headquarters of Syriza, so who knows what influence Moscow might be able to buy—literally— in the new Greek government. Syriza has also questioned if Greece should remain in NATO.</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white;">American banks hold some eurozone debt and would take a hit in the event of any default. But the deepest effects would likely be felt through the interconnected global financial system. In a slagging European economy U.S. exports to European markets would start to fall off and would decline, for example.</span></span></div>
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<span style="color: white; font-family: Source Sans Pro, sans-serif; font-size: xx-small;"><span style="background-color: #660000; line-height: 26px;">http://dailysignal.com/2015/01/26/qa-meet-party-promising-greeks-end-austerity-measures-won-election/ utm_source=facebook&utm_medium=social</span></span></div>
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M. Η. Μ.http://www.blogger.com/profile/14367284148351582033noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-7420399030365885847.post-9164717520329003142015-01-25T20:24:00.000-08:002015-01-25T20:34:07.569-08:00Greeks Vote In Austerity Foes, a Major Shift<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<span class="kicker-label" style="background-color: #660000; font-family: nyt-franklin, arial, helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: 0.8125rem; font-weight: 700; letter-spacing: 0.05em; line-height: 1rem;"><span style="color: white;"><a href="http://www.nytimes.com/pages/world/europe/index.html" style="outline-offset: -2px; outline: -webkit-focus-ring-color auto 5px;">EUR</a><a href="http://www.nytimes.com/pages/world/europe/index.html" style="outline-offset: -2px; outline: -webkit-focus-ring-color auto 5px;">OPE</a></span></span></h3>
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<img alt="" class="media-viewer-candidate" data-mediaviewer-caption="Alexis Tsipras, leader of the Syriza party, celebrating on Sunday in Athens. Mr. Tsipras has promised to force creditors to renegotiate the terms of Greece&rsquo;s bailout." data-mediaviewer-credit="Petros Giannakouris/Associated Press" data-mediaviewer-src="http://static01.nyt.com/images/2015/01/26/world/JP-GREECE-1/JP-GREECE-1-superJumbo.jpg" src="http://static01.nyt.com/images/2015/01/26/world/JP-GREECE-1/JP-GREECE-1-master675.jpg" itemid="http://static01.nyt.com/images/2015/01/26/world/JP-GREECE-1/JP-GREECE-1-master675.jpg" itemprop="url" style="display: block; height: auto; max-width: 100%; width: 540px;" /><br />
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<span style="color: white;"><span class="byline" itemid="http://topics.nytimes.com/top/reference/timestopics/people/y/jim_yardley/index.html" itemprop="author creator" itemscope="" itemtype="http://schema.org/Person" style="background-color: #660000; font-family: nyt-cheltenham-sh, georgia, 'times new roman', times, serif; font-size: 0.6875rem; font-weight: 700; line-height: 0.75rem;"></span></span></div>
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<figcaption class="caption" itemprop="caption description" style="bottom: 23px; font-family: nyt-cheltenham-sh, georgia, 'times new roman', times, serif; font-size: 0.8125rem; line-height: 1.0625rem; position: static; right: 0px; width: auto;"><span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white;"><span class="caption-text">Alexis Tsipras, leader of the Syriza party, celebrating on Sunday in Athens. Mr. Tsipras has promised to force creditors to renegotiate the terms of Greece’s bailout.</span><span class="credit" itemprop="copyrightHolder" style="display: inline-block; font-size: 0.6875rem; line-height: 1.125rem;"><span class="visually-hidden" style="border: 0px; clip: rect(0px 0px 0px 0px); height: 1px; margin: -1px; overflow: hidden; padding: 0px; position: absolute; width: 1px;">Credit</span>Petros Giannakouris/Associated Press</span></span></span></figcaption><br />
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<span class="byline" itemid="http://topics.nytimes.com/top/reference/timestopics/people/y/jim_yardley/index.html" itemprop="author creator" itemscope="" itemtype="http://schema.org/Person" style="background-color: #660000; font-family: nyt-cheltenham-sh, georgia, 'times new roman', times, serif; font-size: 0.6875rem; font-weight: 700; line-height: 0.75rem;"><span style="color: white;"><br /></span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white;"><span class="byline" itemid="http://topics.nytimes.com/top/reference/timestopics/people/y/jim_yardley/index.html" itemprop="author creator" itemscope="" itemtype="http://schema.org/Person" style="font-family: nyt-cheltenham-sh, georgia, 'times new roman', times, serif; font-size: 0.6875rem; font-weight: 700; line-height: 0.75rem;">By <a href="http://topics.nytimes.com/top/reference/timestopics/people/y/jim_yardley/index.html" rel="author" style="text-decoration: none;" title="More Articles by JIM YARDLEY"><span class="byline-author" data-byline-name="JIM YARDLEY" data-twitter-handle="JimBYardley" itemprop="name">JIM YARDLEY</span></a> and </span><span class="byline" itemid="http://topics.nytimes.com/topics/reference/timestopics/people/a/liz_alderman/index.html" itemprop="author creator" itemscope="" itemtype="http://schema.org/Person" style="font-family: nyt-cheltenham-sh, georgia, 'times new roman', times, serif; font-size: 0.6875rem; font-weight: 700; line-height: 0.75rem;"><a href="http://topics.nytimes.com/topics/reference/timestopics/people/a/liz_alderman/index.html" rel="author" style="text-decoration: none;" title="More Articles by LIZ ALDERMAN">LIZ ALDERMAN</a></span><time class="dateline" datetime="2015-01-25" style="font-family: nyt-cheltenham-sh, georgia, 'times new roman', times, serif; font-size: 0.6875rem; line-height: 0.75rem; margin-left: 12px;">JAN. 25, 2015</time>ATHENS — <a href="http://topics.nytimes.com/top/news/international/countriesandterritories/greece/index.html?inline=nyt-geo" title="More news and information about Greece.">Greece</a> rejected the harsh economics of austerity on Sunday and sent a warning to the rest of Europe as the left-wing Syriza party won a decisive victory in national elections, positioning its tough-talking leader, <a href="http://topics.nytimes.com/top/reference/timestopics/people/t/alexis_tsipras/index.html?inline=nyt-per" title="More articles about Alexis Tsipras.">Alexis Tsipras</a>, to become the next prime minister.</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white;">With almost 98 percent of the vote counted, Syriza had 36 percent, almost nine points more than the governing center-right New Democracy party of Prime Minister <a href="http://topics.nytimes.com/top/reference/timestopics/people/s/antonis_samaras/index.html?inline=nyt-per" title="More articles about Antonis Samaras.">Antonis Samaras</a>, who conceded defeat. The only uncertainty was whether Syriza would muster a parliamentary majority on its own or have to form a coalition.</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white;">Appearing before a throng of supporters outside Athens University late Sunday, Mr. Tsipras, 40, declared that the era of austerity was over and promised to revive the economy. He also said his government would not allow <a class="meta-loc" href="http://topics.nytimes.com/top/news/international/countriesandterritories/greece/index.html?inline=nyt-geo" title="More news and information about Greece.">Greece</a>’s creditors to strangle the country.</span></span></div>
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<div class="story-body-text story-content" data-para-count="192" data-total-count="1049" id="story-continues-2" itemprop="articleBody" style="font-family: georgia, 'times new roman', times, serif; font-size: 16px; line-height: 1.4375rem; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: 120px; max-width: 540px; width: 495px;">
<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white;">“Greece will now move ahead with hope and reach out to Europe, and Europe is going to change,” he said. “The verdict is clear: We will bring an end to the vicious circle of austerity.”</span></span></div>
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<figure aria-label="media" class="media photo embedded has-adjacency has-lede-adjacency layout-small-horizontal media-100000003471566 ratio-tall" data-media-action="modal" id="media-100000003471566" itemid="http://static01.nyt.com/images/2015/01/26/world/JP-GREECE-2/JP-GREECE-2-master315.jpg" itemprop="associatedMedia" itemscope="" itemtype="http://schema.org/ImageObject" role="group" style="clear: left; float: left; font-family: nyt-cheltenham, georgia, 'times new roman', times, serif; font-size: 16px; margin: 6px 30px 45px 0px; position: relative; width: 315px;"><span class="visually-hidden" style="border: 0px; clip: rect(0px 0px 0px 0px); height: 1px; margin: -1px; overflow: hidden; padding: 0px; position: absolute; width: 1px;"><span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white;">Photo</span></span></span><div class="image" style="cursor: pointer; margin-bottom: 7px; position: relative;">
<img alt="" class="media-viewer-candidate" data-mediaviewer-caption="Greek voters gave power to Syriza as the country&rsquo;s unemployment rate stood near 26 percent." data-mediaviewer-credit="Lefteris Pitarakis/Associated Press" data-mediaviewer-src="http://static01.nyt.com/images/2015/01/26/world/JP-GREECE-2/JP-GREECE-2-superJumbo.jpg" src="http://static01.nyt.com/images/2015/01/26/world/JP-GREECE-2/JP-GREECE-2-master315.jpg" itemid="http://static01.nyt.com/images/2015/01/26/world/JP-GREECE-2/JP-GREECE-2-master315.jpg" itemprop="url" style="display: block; height: auto; max-width: 100%; width: 315px;" /><br />
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<span style="color: white;"><span class="icon" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: #660000; background-image: url(http://a1.nyt.com/assets/article/20150122-095020/images/sprite/sprite-no-repeat.png); background-origin: initial; background-position: -198px -64px; background-repeat: no-repeat; background-size: initial; display: inline-block; height: 38px; line-height: 0; vertical-align: middle; width: 38px;"></span></span></div>
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<figcaption class="caption" itemprop="caption description" style="font-family: nyt-cheltenham-sh, georgia, 'times new roman', times, serif; font-size: 0.8125rem; line-height: 1.0625rem;"><span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white;"><span class="caption-text">Greek voters gave power to Syriza as the country’s unemployment rate stood near 26 percent.</span><span class="credit" itemprop="copyrightHolder" style="display: inline-block; font-size: 0.6875rem; line-height: 1.125rem;"><span class="visually-hidden" style="border: 0px; clip: rect(0px 0px 0px 0px); height: 1px; margin: -1px; overflow: hidden; padding: 0px; position: absolute; width: 1px;">Credit</span>Lefteris Pitarakis/Associated Press</span></span></span></figcaption></figure><br />
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<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white;">Syriza’s victory is a milestone for Europe. Continuing economic weakness has stirred a populist backlash from France to Spain to Italy, with more voters growing fed up with policies that require sacrifice to meet the demands of creditors but that have not delivered more jobs and prosperity. Syriza is poised to become the first anti-austerity party to take power in a eurozone country and to shatter the two-party establishment that has dominated Greek politics for four decades.</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white;">“Democracy will return to Greece,” Mr. Tsipras said to a swarm of journalists as he cast his ballot in Athens. “The message is that our common future in Europe is not the future of austerity.”</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white;">Youthful and seemingly imperturbable, Mr. Tsipras has worked to soften his image as an anti-European Union radical, joking that his opponents had accused him of everything but stealing other men’s wives. On the campaign trail, he has promised to clean up Greece’s corrupt political system, overhaul the country’s public administration and reduce the tax burden on the middle class while cracking down on tax evasion by the <a href="http://www.nytimes.com/2012/12/06/world/europe/oligarchs-play-a-role-in-greeces-economic-troubles.html" title="Times article">country’s oligarchical</a> business class.</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white;">But his biggest promise — and the one that has stirred deep anxiety in Brussels and Berlin as well as in financial markets — has been a pledge to force Greece’s creditors to renegotiate the terms of its financial bailout, worth 240 billion euros, or about $267.5 billion. Squeezed by policies intended to stabilize the government’s finances, Greece has endured a historic collapse since 2009; economic output has shrunk by 25 percent, and the unemployment rate hovers near 26 percent.</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white;">While setting up an imminent showdown with creditors, led by Chancellor Angela Merkel of Germany, Mr. Tsipras has argued that easing the bailout terms would allow more government spending. That, he said, would stimulate economic growth and employment as well as help the Greeks who are most in need.</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white;">“Tsipras won because those who imposed austerity never thought about the effects of such drastic policies that impoverished millions of people,” said Paul De Grauwe, a professor at the London School of Economics and a former adviser to the European Commission. “In a world where people are so hit, they just don’t remain passive. Their reaction is to turn to the politicians who will change the process.”</span></span></div>
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<figure aria-label="media" class="media photo embedded has-adjacency layout-small-horizontal media-100000003470890 ratio-tall" data-media-action="modal" id="media-100000003470890" itemid="http://static01.nyt.com/images/2015/01/25/world/europe/26GREECE-spot/26GREECE-spot-master315.jpg" itemprop="associatedMedia" itemscope="" itemtype="http://schema.org/ImageObject" role="group" style="clear: left; float: left; font-family: nyt-cheltenham, georgia, 'times new roman', times, serif; font-size: 16px; margin: 6px 30px 45px 0px; position: relative; width: 315px;"><span class="visually-hidden" style="border: 0px; clip: rect(0px 0px 0px 0px); height: 1px; margin: -1px; overflow: hidden; padding: 0px; position: absolute; width: 1px;"><span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white;">Photo</span></span></span><div class="image" style="cursor: pointer; margin-bottom: 7px; position: relative;">
<img alt="" class="media-viewer-candidate" data-mediaviewer-caption="Mr. Tsipras, leader of the left-wing Syriza party, cast his vote in Athens on Sunday." data-mediaviewer-credit="Petros Giannakouris/Associated Press" data-mediaviewer-src="http://static01.nyt.com/images/2015/01/25/world/europe/26GREECE-spot/26GREECE-spot-superJumbo.jpg" src="http://static01.nyt.com/images/2015/01/25/world/europe/26GREECE-spot/26GREECE-spot-master315.jpg" itemid="http://static01.nyt.com/images/2015/01/25/world/europe/26GREECE-spot/26GREECE-spot-master315.jpg" itemprop="url" style="display: block; height: auto; max-width: 100%; width: 315px;" /><br />
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<span style="color: white;"><span class="icon" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: #660000; background-image: url(http://a1.nyt.com/assets/article/20150122-095020/images/sprite/sprite-no-repeat.png); background-origin: initial; background-position: -198px -64px; background-repeat: no-repeat; background-size: initial; display: inline-block; height: 38px; line-height: 0; vertical-align: middle; width: 38px;"></span></span></div>
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<figcaption class="caption" itemprop="caption description" style="font-family: nyt-cheltenham-sh, georgia, 'times new roman', times, serif; font-size: 0.8125rem; line-height: 1.0625rem;"><span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white;"><span class="caption-text">Mr. Tsipras, leader of the left-wing Syriza party, cast his vote in Athens on Sunday.</span><span class="credit" itemprop="copyrightHolder" style="display: inline-block; font-size: 0.6875rem; line-height: 1.125rem;"><span class="visually-hidden" style="border: 0px; clip: rect(0px 0px 0px 0px); height: 1px; margin: -1px; overflow: hidden; padding: 0px; position: absolute; width: 1px;">Credit</span>Petros Giannakouris/Associated Press</span></span></span></figcaption></figure><br />
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<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white;">Mr. Tsipras will face immediate challenges. Greece is waiting for a €7 billion bailout payment needed to keep the government running and to pay off billions in debt obligations due in the coming months. Mr. Tsipras has demanded that creditors write down at least half of Greece’s €319 billion public debt to give the country more breathing room for a spending stimulus.</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white;">“This is a turning of a page, a historical moment for all of Europe,” Yiannis Milios, the chief economist for Syriza, told reporters. “The Greek people are taking their future into their own hands.”</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white;">Europe “cannot go on with deflation, recession, increasing unemployment and over-indebtednesses,” he said. “Greece points the way. Our country, our people, are the groundbreakers of a very big change.”</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white;">A Syriza victory would lift hopes elsewhere for parties that are critical of the European Union, especially in Spain. There, the left-leaning, anti-austerity Podemos party, which is less than a year old, already is drawing 20 percent support in national opinion polls. The leader of Podemos, Pablo Iglesias, joined Mr. Tsipras last week for Syriza’s final campaign rally.</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white;">“What the whole debate about Greece and Syriza highlights is that voter anxieties, voter resentment and electoral disillusionment over austerity policies can be expressed at the ballot,” said Jens Bastian, an economic consultant based in Athens and a former member of the European Commission’s task force on Greece. “The example of Greece today may become a precursor to what happens in other countries like Spain, Portugal or Italy.”</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white;">Mr. Tsipras has said he wants to negotiate directly with Ms. Merkel and other European leaders to reduce Greece’s debt burden. Some officials, however, have characterized Mr. Tsipras’s demands as unrealistic and rife with potential to drive Greece toward default — or even out of the eurozone, the group that shares the currency.</span></span></div>
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<figure aria-label="media" class="media photo embedded layout-small-horizontal media-100000003471047 ratio-tall" data-media-action="modal" id="media-100000003471047" itemid="http://static01.nyt.com/images/2015/01/25/world/europe/26GREECE2/26GREECE2-master315.jpg" itemprop="associatedMedia" itemscope="" itemtype="http://schema.org/ImageObject" role="group" style="clear: left; float: left; font-family: nyt-cheltenham, georgia, 'times new roman', times, serif; font-size: 16px; margin: 6px 30px 45px 0px; position: relative; width: 315px;"><span class="visually-hidden" style="border: 0px; clip: rect(0px 0px 0px 0px); height: 1px; margin: -1px; overflow: hidden; padding: 0px; position: absolute; width: 1px;"><span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white;">Photo</span></span></span><div class="image" style="cursor: pointer; margin-bottom: 7px; position: relative;">
<img alt="" class="media-viewer-candidate" data-mediaviewer-caption="Supporters of Mr. Tsipras cheered as exit poll results were announced in Athens." data-mediaviewer-credit="Marko Djurica/Reuters" data-mediaviewer-src="http://static01.nyt.com/images/2015/01/25/world/europe/26GREECE2/26GREECE2-superJumbo.jpg" src="http://static01.nyt.com/images/2015/01/25/world/europe/26GREECE2/26GREECE2-master315.jpg" itemid="http://static01.nyt.com/images/2015/01/25/world/europe/26GREECE2/26GREECE2-master315.jpg" itemprop="url" style="display: block; height: auto; max-width: 100%; width: 315px;" /><br />
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<span style="color: white;"><span class="icon" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: #660000; background-image: url(http://a1.nyt.com/assets/article/20150122-095020/images/sprite/sprite-no-repeat.png); background-origin: initial; background-position: -198px -64px; background-repeat: no-repeat; background-size: initial; display: inline-block; height: 38px; line-height: 0; vertical-align: middle; width: 38px;"></span></span></div>
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<figcaption class="caption" itemprop="caption description" style="font-family: nyt-cheltenham-sh, georgia, 'times new roman', times, serif; font-size: 0.8125rem; line-height: 1.0625rem;"><span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white;"><span class="caption-text">Supporters of Mr. Tsipras cheered as exit poll results were announced in Athens.</span> <span class="credit" itemprop="copyrightHolder" style="display: inline-block; font-size: 0.6875rem; line-height: 1.125rem;"><span class="visually-hidden" style="border: 0px; clip: rect(0px 0px 0px 0px); height: 1px; margin: -1px; overflow: hidden; padding: 0px; position: absolute; width: 1px;">Credit</span>Marko Djurica/Reuters</span></span></span></figcaption></figure><br />
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<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white;">Earlier concerns that a Syriza-led Greece would abandon the euro have been fading, but Mr. Tsipras’s confrontational stance on renegotiating the bailout could create a game of chicken with Greece’s creditors. Mr. Tsipras has insisted that he will not adhere to the bailout’s austerity conditions; Greece’s creditors insist that they will not disburse funds unless he does.</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white;">Mr. Tsipras has pledged immediate action, including restoring electricity to poor families who were unable to pay their bills. He has promised to raise the minimum monthly wage to €751 from €586 for all workers, restore collective bargaining agreements, prohibit mass layoffs and create 300,000 jobs.</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white;">Jens Weidmann, president of Deutsche Bundesbank, the German central bank, warned that Greece would remain dependent on outside financial support and that the new government “should not make promises that the country cannot afford.”</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white;">“I hope the new government won’t call into question what is expected and what has already been achieved,” Mr. Weidmann said in an interview with Germany’s public broadcaster.</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white;">On the streets of Athens, voters expressed a range of emotions as they went to the polls.</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white;">At a polling station in Mets, a middle-class district near central Athens, Achilleas Mandrakis, 47, said he runs a garage but has been struggling since his wife lost her job at a shoe store. “I always voted New Democracy, and I never trusted the leftists,” he said. “But enough is enough, really. We kept giving them a chance, but they messed up. They’ve made our lives miserable.”</span></span></div>
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<figure aria-label="media" class="media photo embedded has-adjacency layout-small-horizontal media-100000003471208 ratio-tall" data-media-action="modal" id="media-100000003471208" itemid="http://static01.nyt.com/images/2015/01/25/world/europe/26GREECE3-hp/26GREECE3-hp-master315.jpg" itemprop="associatedMedia" itemscope="" itemtype="http://schema.org/ImageObject" role="group" style="clear: left; float: left; font-family: nyt-cheltenham, georgia, 'times new roman', times, serif; font-size: 16px; margin: 6px 30px 45px 0px; position: relative; width: 315px;"><span class="visually-hidden" style="border: 0px; clip: rect(0px 0px 0px 0px); height: 1px; margin: -1px; overflow: hidden; padding: 0px; position: absolute; width: 1px;"><span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white;">Photo</span></span></span><div class="image" style="cursor: pointer; margin-bottom: 7px; position: relative;">
<img alt="" class="media-viewer-candidate" data-mediaviewer-caption="Continuing economic weakness has stirred a populist backlash as more voters grow fed up with policies that demand sacrifice." data-mediaviewer-credit="Milos Bicanski/Getty Images" data-mediaviewer-src="http://static01.nyt.com/images/2015/01/25/world/europe/26GREECE3-hp/26GREECE3-hp-superJumbo.jpg" src="http://static01.nyt.com/images/2015/01/25/world/europe/26GREECE3-hp/26GREECE3-hp-master315.jpg" itemid="http://static01.nyt.com/images/2015/01/25/world/europe/26GREECE3-hp/26GREECE3-hp-master315.jpg" itemprop="url" style="display: block; height: auto; max-width: 100%; width: 315px;" /><br />
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<span style="color: white;"><span class="icon" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: #660000; background-image: url(http://a1.nyt.com/assets/article/20150122-095020/images/sprite/sprite-no-repeat.png); background-origin: initial; background-position: -198px -64px; background-repeat: no-repeat; background-size: initial; display: inline-block; height: 38px; line-height: 0; vertical-align: middle; width: 38px;"></span></span></div>
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<figcaption class="caption" itemprop="caption description" style="font-family: nyt-cheltenham-sh, georgia, 'times new roman', times, serif; font-size: 0.8125rem; line-height: 1.0625rem;"><span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white;"><span class="caption-text">Continuing economic weakness has stirred a populist backlash as more voters grow fed up with policies that demand sacrifice.</span> <span class="credit" itemprop="copyrightHolder" style="display: inline-block; font-size: 0.6875rem; line-height: 1.125rem;"><span class="visually-hidden" style="border: 0px; clip: rect(0px 0px 0px 0px); height: 1px; margin: -1px; overflow: hidden; padding: 0px; position: absolute; width: 1px;">Credit</span>Milos Bicanski/Getty Images</span></span></span></figcaption></figure><br />
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<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white;">“At least,” Mr. Mandrakis added, “a different party might change something in this mess, anything.”</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white;">In a brief news conference late Sunday, Mr. Samaras vowed that his party would continue to play a role in Greek politics and defended his government. “I received the country at the edge of a cliff,” he said. “I was asked to take burning coals into my hands, and I did it.”</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white;">Mr. Samaras said that Greece had moved away from deficits and recession and that his government had “restored the credibility of the country.”</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white;">For Syriza, the immediate question was whether the party would win the 151 seats needed for a majority in Parliament. Projections suggested a close final result. If he falls short, Mr. Tsipras might align with the Independent Greeks, a center-right fringe party that opposes austerity measures and might push for a harder line in any debt negotiations.</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white;">Early returns also showed the neo-fascist Golden Dawn party in third place with roughly 6 percent of the total vote, even with some of its leaders campaigning from prison, awaiting trial on charges of being in a criminal gang.</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white;">While Greece sees itself as being punished by creditors’ demands, Germany and a host of European officials have argued that Greece and other troubled nations in the eurozone must clean up the high debts and deficits at the root of <a href="http://topics.nytimes.com/top/reference/timestopics/subjects/e/european_sovereign_debt_crisis/index.html" title="Times articles">Europe’s crisis</a>. They say Athens has failed to make enough progress on structural reforms seen as necessary to stabilize the economy, and they are pressing Greece to raise billions of euros through more budgetary cutbacks and taxes.</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white;">Many analysts say Mr. Tsipras must moderate his campaign promises and take a more centrist approach if he wants to save the economy and keep Greece solvent. “That will be the best possible outcome for Greece and for Europe, because it would show that these protest movements ultimately recognize reality — which is that they are in the euro, and they have to play by the rules,” said Jacob Funk Kirkegaard, a senior fellow at the Peterson Institute for International Economics in Washington.</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white;">Otherwise, he warned, “things could get a lot worse.”</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white;">“Very, very quickly,” he added.</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white;">Dimitris Bounias and Niki Kitsantonis contributed reporting.</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white;">A version of this article appears in print on January 26, 2015, on page A1 of the <span itemprop="printEdition">New York edition</span> with the headline: Greeks Vote In Austerity Foes, A Major Shift. <span class="story-footer-links" style="display: inline-block;"><a href="https://s100.copyright.com/AppDispatchServlet?contentID=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.nytimes.com%2F2015%2F01%2F26%2Fworld%2Feurope%2Fgreek-election-syriza.html&publisherName=The+New+York+Times&publication=nytimes.com&token=&orderBeanReset=true&postType=&wordCount=1462&title=Greeks+Vote+In+Austerity+Foes%2C+a+Major+Shift&publicationDate=January+25%2C+2015&author=By%20Jim%20Yardley%20and%20Liz%20Alderman" style="text-decoration: none;" target="_blank">Order Reprints</a><span class="pipe" style="margin: 0px 3px;">|</span> <a href="http://www.nytimes.com/pages/todayspaper/index.html" style="text-decoration: none;" target="_blank">Today's Paper</a><span class="pipe" style="margin: 0px 3px;">|</span><a href="http://www.nytimes.com/subscriptions/Multiproduct/lp839RF.html?campaignId=48JQY" style="text-decoration: none;" target="_blank">Subscribe</a></span></span></span></div>
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M. Η. Μ.http://www.blogger.com/profile/14367284148351582033noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-7420399030365885847.post-42951619161593739172015-01-25T20:20:00.000-08:002015-01-25T20:34:44.553-08:00Greek Radical Left Wins Election, Threatening Market Turmoil <div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white; font-size: large;"><span style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif;">THE NEW YORK TIMES </span>- By THE ASSOCIATED PRESS<br /><br />EUROPE <br /><br />JAN. 25, 2015<br /><br />ATHENS, Greece — A radical left-wing party vowing to end Greece's painful austerity program won a historic victory in Sunday's parliamentary elections, setting up a showdown with the country's international creditors that could shake the eurozone.<br /><br />Alexis Tsipras, leader of the communist-rooted Syriza party, immediately promised to end the "five years of humiliation and pain" that Greece has endured since an international bailout saved it from bankruptcy in 2010.<br /><br />"The verdict of the Greek people ends, beyond any doubt, the vicious circle of austerity in our country," Tsipras told a crowd of rapturous flag-waving supporters.<br /><br />Syriza appeared just shy of the majority that would allow it to govern alone. With 97.6 percent of polling stations counted, Syriza had 36.4 percent — and 149 of parliament's 300 seats — versus 27.8 percent for Prime Minister Antonis Samaras' conservatives.<br /><br />If Tsipras, 40, can put together a government, he will be Greece's youngest prime minister in 150 years, while Syriza would be the first radical left party to ever govern the country.<br /><br />The prospect of an anti-bailout government coming to power in Greece has revived fears of a bankruptcy that could reverberate across the eurozone, send shockwaves through global markets and undermine the euro, the currency shared by 19 European countries.<br /><br />The already battered euro was down 0.3 percent Monday, at $1.117, on the news of Syriza's victory. That was its lowest since April 2003.<br /><br />Syriza's rhetoric appealed to many in a country that has seen a quarter of its economy wiped out, unemployment above 25 percent and average income losses of at least 30 percent.<br /><br />Tsipras won on promises to demand debt forgiveness and renegotiate the terms of Greece's 240 billion euro ($270 billion) bailout, which has kept the debt-ridden country afloat since mid-2010.<br /><br />To qualify for the cash, Greece has had to impose deep and bitterly resented cuts in public spending, wages and pensions, along with public sector layoffs and repeated tax increases.<br /><br />Samaras soon conceded defeat Sunday, saying he had received a country "on the brink of disaster" when he took over in 2012 and was close to ushering it out of the crisis.<br /><br />"I was asked to hold live coals in my hands and I did," he said.<br /><br />The country's progress in reforms is reviewed by inspectors from the International Monetary Fund, European Commission and European Central Bank, collectively known as the troika, before each installment of bailout funds can be released.<br /><br />Tsipras pronounced the troika and its regular debt inspections "a thing of the past."<br /><br />Greece's creditors insist the country must abide by previous commitments to continue receiving support. In Germany, Bundesbank President Jens Weidmann told ARD network that he hoped "the new Greek government will not make promises it cannot keep and the country cannot afford."<br /><br />The election results will be the main topic at Monday's meeting of eurozone finance ministers. Belgium's minister, Johan Van Overtveldt, said there is room for some flexibility, but not much.<br /><br />"We can talk modalities, we can talk debt restructuring, but the cornerstone that Greece must respect the rules of monetary union — that must stay as it is," Van Overtveldt told VRT network.<br /><br />JPMorgan analyst David Mackie said negotiations between the new government in Athens and creditors "are likely to be very difficult" but cannot drag on indefinitely.<br /><br />"If Greece is unable to honor its obligations this year, then economic, financial and banking stress is likely to lead either to an agreement, or to a second round of elections, or to an EMU exit," he said, referring to Greece's membership in the eurozone.<br /><br />But Re-Define think tank analyst Sony Kapoor said that while Greece has failed the eurozone and EU authorities, they have also failed Greece.<br /><br />"The Greek rescue package was financially unsustainable, economically wrong-headed, politically tone-deaf and socially callous," he said. "Syriza deserves a chance, and their victory will force the EU to confront the elephant in the room: unpayable debt and bad policy decisions."<br /><br />He noted that Syriza's moderation of its rhetoric before the election "is promising, making it likely that it will govern closer to the center than many think."<br /><br />A Syriza official said Tsipras would meet Monday with the head of the small Independent Greeks party, which elected 13 lawmakers, "to confirm the support and possible participation of the Independent Greeks in the new government." Apart from their mutual opposition to austerity, the two parties disagree on practically every other issue.<br /><br />The official, who asked not to be named because he was not authorized to speak on the record, said Tsipras would likely be sworn in as prime minister later Monday, and the new government would be formed in the following couple of days.<br /><br />The centrist Potami (river) party was battling for third place with the Nazi-inspired Golden Dawn, whose leader and several lawmakers campaigned from prison, where they are awaiting trial on charges of participating in a criminal organization.<br /><br />___<br /><br />Raf Casert in Brussels and Derek Gatopoulos in Athens contributed.</span></span></div>
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M. Η. Μ.http://www.blogger.com/profile/14367284148351582033noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-7420399030365885847.post-16156635497688766362015-01-15T23:48:00.003-08:002015-01-15T23:54:38.819-08:00Who is Alexis Tsipras?<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white;"><a href="https://www.opendemocracy.net/author/takis-s-pappas">T</a><a href="https://www.opendemocracy.net/author/takis-s-pappas">AKIS S PAPPAS</a> 15 January 2015<br /><br /><b><span style="font-size: x-large;">Who exactly is Alexis Tsipras, the man who may very well become Greece's next prime minister?</span></b><br /><br /><a href="https://www.opendemocracy.net/files/imagecache/wysiwyg_imageupload_lightbox_preset/wysiwyg_imageupload/548777/14037602298_3c83411dd6_z.jpg"><img height="424" src="https://www.opendemocracy.net/files/imagecache/article_xlarge/wysiwyg_imageupload/548777/14037602298_3c83411dd6_z.jpg" width="640" /></a>Alexis Tsipras: prime minister in waiting? Flickr/Daniele Vico. Some rights reserved.<br /><br /><span style="font-size: large;">If his party wins the January 25 snap parliamentary election in Greece, and he himself succeeds in forming a government, then Alexis Tsipras, the 41-year-old firebrand leader of the Coalition of the Radical Left (or Syriza) party, will not only become Europe’s currently youngest prime minister, but, Cyprus apart, also the first leader of a hard-left government in the Continent.<br /><br />As his populism does not bode well for the country’s badly harmed liberal institutions and his promise to tear up Greece’s bailout agreement and write off some of its debt has revived fears of a Greek exit from the Eurozone, the question is: who really is politician Alexis Tsipras and, given the circumstances in Greece, what is his leadership potential?<br /><br />Born only four days after Greece’s transition to democracy on July 24, 1974, in a middle-class social milieu, his early life years were largely unexceptional. While in high school, he joined the Greek Communist Party youth, where he met his current partner, and excelled in school occupations.<br /><br />As a student of civil engineering at the University of Athens, he became an active member of the student union. After that, he followed the typical career of political apparatchik. He joined the Synaspismos (meaning, coalition) party, then a merger of radical leftist forces, and served consecutively as political secretary of the party youth and an elected member of its Central Committee. In the 2006 municipal elections, the party chairman, Alekos Alavanos, proposed the 32-year-old Tsipras as a candidate mayor of Athens, thus elevating him to national prominence. <br /><br />It was at that time that Tsipras also made a brief, ill-fated attempt towards a professional career as an engineer, but, according to <a href="http://www.syn.gr/gr/keimeno.php?id=12438">his own admission</a>, the technical firm he helped establish was not particularly active, and even incurred some losses. In early 2008, Alavanos stepped down from the leadership of the party, which had been renamed Syriza, and was replaced by Tsipras, who now fully dedicated himself to his party and national politics. That was exactly when Greece entered its own political, and subsequently economic, whirl.<br /><br />In the political crisis that commenced in Greece in December 2008, after the police shooting of a schoolboy in Athens and led to three weeks of violent mass rioting across the country, Syriza actively championed street mobilizations. Although many young people began to identify with the party, its electoral support still remained low: in the 2009 parliamentary elections it gained a rather poor 4.6 percent of the national vote.<br /><br />Things however changed decisively once the fresh government of George Papandreou’s Panhellenic Socialist Movement (Pasok) was forced in early 2010 to ask for a bailout of Greece in exchange for the implementation of harsh austerity measures. Then, a massive segment of Pasok’s electorate migrated to Syriza, which stood uncompromisingly against austerity.<br /><br />In the election of May 2012, Syriza’s share of the national vote was 16.8 percent and in the follow-up election of June 2012, it climbed to almost 27 percent, with most of the credit going, of course, to the young party leader for his successful opposition tactics. As new elections now loom, Syriza is the clear favorite to win the contest and Tsipras to become premier. <br /><br />In both popular parlance and the news media, Alexis Tsipras is often presented as a charismatic leader and, to press the point, compared with the late Andreas Papandreou, the populist founder in the mid-1970s of Pasok, and, since he first won office in 1981, a long-time – and, indeed, charismatic – prime minister of Greece. But the comparison could not be more misleading for the sharp contrasts between the two leaders in almost every respect – social and intellectual background, prior professional history and career achievements, political authority and over-the-party command, and resonance of their messages to society.<br /><br />Papandreou, first, the scion of a political family (his father, George Papandreou, had been twice Greece’s prime minister – in the 1940s and again in the 1960s), belonged to the upper class, received high-quality private education, and was groomed for ambitious roles in life. In his youth, he felt the strong attraction of progressive socialist ideas and became well versed in the intellectual debates of his era, both inside Greece and in the broader world.<br /><br />Before entering politics, initially in the mid-1960s, as a minister in his father’s government, and then in the 1970s, Papandreou had also to show an impressive professional record. With a Harvard PhD in economics, he became a well-known economist in the United States and served as professor in several academic establishments, including Berkeley. He was a true cosmopolitan with a wide, and very convenient, network of acquaintances in both the academic and the political worlds.<br /><br />When he decided to enter Greek politics after the collapse of dictatorship in 1974, Papandreou was firm on his decision to build his own party, instead of inheriting what was left of his father’s pre-authoritarian one. After engineering a series of expulsions and other purges of his internal party opposition, Papandreou was able to an absolute authority over Pasok, thereafter remaining its sole and supreme leader. <br /><br />Even most important was the fact that, as opposition party leader, Andreas Papandreou put forward a positive radical message, full of political vim and optimism: socialism. Greece at the time was a country with a plenty of confidence. It had just undergone a successful democratization, its economy was developing relatively well, and, by 1981, it became a full EU member. The promise of socialism seemed not only attractive, but feasible as well.<br /><br />History of course repeats itself, but, as usual, the second time as farce. Greece’s 2015 is not its 1981, and Alexis Tsipras is not Andreas Papandreou. He lacks the social, professional and political experience that is necessary for the task he is called for; is mostly adept at low-level party politics, but still leads a motley coalition of forces he is not in complete control of; and, for all his genuine wish to put an end to austerity and hardship in Greek society, he lacks a concrete plan of action for achieving it. For, it is one thing in politics to say what you want to pull down, but an entirely different thing to explain what you are going to build up instead, and how.<br /><br />Ironically, what Greece needs at this time of immense and enduring crisis is a charismatic leader in the truest sense of the term, that is, someone capable of forging a new social majority into a mass political formation under the banner of a sensible program for economic development and national regeneration. Most definitively, Tsipras is not that person. Which brings me to the theme of a famous lecture given my Max Weber to the Free Students Union in Bavaria in 1919, during the German revolution that led to the establishment of the Weimar Republic.<br /><br />Warning that the revolution will not turn out well, Weber cautioned his audience of a coming “polar night of icy darkness and hardness,” during which hopes will collapse and politics will fail. For that night veil to be lifted, he urged, it would take leaders who consider high-level politics as their true vocation – men or women who, in the face of severe crisis, can still reasonably cry out “In spite of all, I have a realistic plan.”</span></span></span></div>
M. Η. Μ.http://www.blogger.com/profile/14367284148351582033noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-7420399030365885847.post-82134923788470063072015-01-13T15:28:00.004-08:002015-01-13T15:31:17.088-08:00Η Κοτταρίδη «αδειάζει» Περιστέρη, Ντ. Κινγκ για Αμφίπολη<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<span style="background-color: #660000; color: white; font-family: Arial; line-height: 1.3;"><span style="font-size: large;">Με καυστική γλώσσα η υπεύθυνη των ανασκαφών των Αιγών αναφέρθηκε για πρώτη φορά σε όσους είπαν ότι ο τάφος είναι ασύλητος και ανήκει στην οικογένεια του Αλεξάνδρου</span></span></h1>
<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="font-size: large;"><a href="http://www.thetoc.gr/author/katerina-lumperopoulou">της Κατερίνας Λυμπεροπούλου </a>|</span> <div class="article__dates dib" style="box-sizing: border-box; display: inline-block; font-family: Arial; font-size: 16px; line-height: 16px; vertical-align: middle;">
<time class="article__published dib" datetime="2015-01-13T00:46:29+02:00" itemprop="datePublished" style="box-sizing: border-box; display: inline-block;"><span style="color: white;">13 Ιαν. 15</span></time></div>
</span></header><figure class="mbd" id="articleImage" style="box-sizing: border-box; font-family: Arial; font-size: 16px; line-height: 23.529411315918px; margin: 0px 0px 30px;"><span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white;"><img alt="i-kottaridi-adeiazei-peristeri-nt-kingk-gia-amfipoli" class="img-responsive" src="http://www.thetoc.gr/images/articles/1/article_54852/amfipoli-i-kottaridi-adeiazei-peristeri-nt-kingk_3.w_l.jpg" style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; display: inline-block; height: auto; vertical-align: middle; width: 742px;" /><span style="box-sizing: border-box; font-size: 18px; font-weight: 700; line-height: 25.8823528289795px;">Βολές της Αγγελικής Κοτταρίδη</span><span style="font-size: 18px; line-height: 25.8823528289795px;"> </span><span style="font-size: 18px; line-height: 25.8823528289795px;">που «έδειχναν» την υπεύθυνη της αρχαιολογικής ανασκαφής στην Αμφίπολη,</span><span style="font-size: 18px; line-height: 25.8823528289795px;"> </span><span style="box-sizing: border-box; font-size: 18px; font-weight: 700; line-height: 25.8823528289795px;">Κατερίνα Περιστέρη</span><span style="font-size: 18px; line-height: 25.8823528289795px;">αλλά και τους αρχαιολόγους που έχουν εκφραστεί δημοσίως αναφέροντας ότι στον τάφο βρίσκεται μέλος της οικογένειας του</span><span style="box-sizing: border-box; font-size: 18px; font-weight: 700; line-height: 25.8823528289795px;">Μεγάλου Αλεξάνδρου εκτοξεύτηκαν το βράδυ της Δευτέρας 12 Ιανουαρίου στον Ιανό</span><span style="font-size: 18px; line-height: 25.8823528289795px;">. Η διευθύντρια της ΙΖ Εφορείας Προϊστορικών και Κλασσικών Αρχαιοτήτων, Α. Κοτταρίδη, αμφισβήτησε επίσης την χρονολόγηση του τάφου από την ανασκαφέα του «κατεβάζοντάς» την από τα τέλη του</span><span style="font-size: 18px; line-height: 25.8823528289795px;"> </span><span style="box-sizing: border-box; font-size: 18px; font-weight: 700; line-height: 25.8823528289795px;">4ου στις αρχές του 2ου αιώνα</span><span style="font-size: 18px; line-height: 25.8823528289795px;">. Ξεχωριστά σχόλια, τέλος, η κυρία Κοτταρίδη επεφύλαξε για τους ξένους αρχαιολόγους</span><span style="box-sizing: border-box; font-size: 18px; font-weight: 700; line-height: 25.8823528289795px;">Ντόροθι Κινγκ και ΄Αντριου Τσανγκ</span><span style="font-size: 18px; line-height: 25.8823528289795px;"> </span><span style="font-size: 18px; line-height: 25.8823528289795px;">που έχουν κάνει δηλώσεις για το μνημείο του τύμβου Καστά:</span></span></span></figure><br />
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<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white;"> «Γνωρίζω πολλούς αρχαιολόγους, ξένους, όχι Έλληνες. Κανείς απ’ αυτούς δεν βγήκε (δημοσίως) να πει τίποτα (για το μνημείο). Κάποιοι τύποι όπως μια Ντόροθι Κινγκ κι ένας ΄Αντριου Τσανγκ (μίλησαν) … Δεν υπάρχουν επιστημονικά. Δεν έχουν γράψει τίποτα αυτοί οι άνθρωποι. <span style="box-sizing: border-box; font-weight: 700;">Είναι παγκοσμίως άγνωστοι.</span> Και ξαφνικά έγιναν από τα ελληνικά μέσα ενημέρωσης μεγάλοι αστέρες».</span></span></div>
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<figure style="box-sizing: border-box; font-family: Arial; font-size: 18px; line-height: 25.8823528289795px; margin: 0px; text-align: center;"><span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white;"><img alt="" data-file="articles/1/article_54852/upl54b4c3f98213b.jpg" data-isnew="0" src="http://www.thetoc.gr/images/articles/1/article_54852/upl54b4c3f98213b.jpg" style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; vertical-align: middle; width: 547px;" /></span></span></figure><br />
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<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white;">«Αν πω ότι ο τάφος είναι ασύλητος έχω πρόβλημα ως επιστήμονας»</span></span></h2>
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<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white;">Η Αγγελική Κοτταρίδη, η οποία έχει συνεργαστεί για χρόνια ως βοηθός του Μανόλη Ανδρόνικου, κατεξοχήν αρχαιολόγος πεδίου με ανασκαφές και έρευνες που έχουν επίκεντρο τις Αιγές, «καυτηρίασε» όσους έχουν κάνει κατά καιρούς δηλώσεις ότι ο τάφος της Αμφίπολης είναι ασύλητος – μεταξύ αυτών και η Κατερίνα Περιστέρη: «… <span style="box-sizing: border-box; font-weight: 700;">Θέλω να βρω έναν ασύλητο τάφο, αλλά αν βρίσκω τον τάφο κι έχει μια “τρύπα” εκεί πάνω, το ξέρω από τις 10 Αυγούστου ότι είναι συλημένος ή τουλάχιστον έχω 95% πιθανότητες να είναι συλημένος και 5% να είναι ασύλητος</span>. Αν επί 4 μήνες λέω στους δημοσιογράφους και στον κόσμο ότι είναι ασύλητος, έχω πρόβλημα ως επιστήμονας. Δεν μ’ ενδιαφέρει καθόλου τι λέει η πολιτική ηγεσία. Πρέπει να ξεχωρίζεις τι είναι η επιθυμία σου…», ανέφερε η Αγγελική Κοτταρίδη στο πλαίσιο των «Απρόβλεπτων Συναντήσεων» του Ιανού και της συνομιλίας της με τη Μαργαρίτα Πουρνάρα.</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white;">Κοινωνιολογικά νομίζω ότι η περίπτωση της Αμφίπολης μας υπέδειξε κάποια όρια. Μας έδειξε τι παθαίνει κανείς όταν κάνει λήψη του ζητουμένου, της ευχής, της υπόθεσης και κάνει την υπόθεση δεδομένο</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white;">Σύμφωνα με την κυρία Κοτταρίδη που από το 1991 είναι υπεύθυνη για τις ανασκαφές και τα έργα στήριξης των Αιγών, «κοινωνιολογικά νομίζω ότι η περίπτωση της Αμφίπολης μας υπέδειξε κάποια όρια. Μας έδειξε τι παθαίνει κανείς όταν κάνει λήψη του ζητουμένου, της ευχής, της υπόθεσης και κάνει την υπόθεση δεδομένο. Η υπόθεση ότι εκεί είναι η οικογένεια του Μεγάλου Αλεξάνδρου μπορεί να είναι πολύ εντυπωσιακή για τον κόσμο, αλλά για να το πεις αυτό πρέπει να έχεις πολύ ισχυρά στοιχεία όταν ξέρεις ότι είναι οπουδήποτε αλλού πλην εκεί. <span style="box-sizing: border-box; font-weight: 700;">Όταν το κάνεις και δεν το στηρίζεις έχεις πρόβλημα…</span>Αν εγώ αρχίσω να κάνω δηλώσεις πριν βρω ένα μνημείο ότι αυτό είναι ο τάφος της Ρωξάνης ή του Μέγα Αλέξανδρου γιατί αυτός ο τύμβος είναι ο μεγαλύτερος που υπάρχει, κι αυτός ο τύμβος δεν είναι καν τύμβος….μάλλον έχω πρόβλημα».</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000; box-sizing: border-box; font-weight: 700;"><span style="color: white;">«Κατέβασε» τη χρονολόγηση στις αρχές του 2ου αι:«κλειδί» οι Καρυάτιδες</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white;">Η αίσθηση της κυρίας Κοτταρίδη – που σημειωτέον δεν έκανε δημοσίως «αποτίμηση» της Αμφίπολης μέχρι σήμερα – είναι ότι το μνημείο χρονολογείται <span style="box-sizing: border-box; font-weight: 700;">100 – 150 χρόνια αργότερα από την επίσημη χρονολόγηση που έχει δώσει η ανασκαφέας</span>. Χαρακτηριστικό στοιχείο γι’ αυτή την εκτίμηση είναι οι<span style="box-sizing: border-box; font-weight: 700;"> Καρυάτιδες</span>: «Αυτές τις Καρυάτιδες – (εκτός κι) αν μου φέρει κάποιος στοιχεία - δεν μπορώ να τις “βάλω” στον 4ο αι», είπε.</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white;">Πυρά και κατά του Μιχάλη Λεμφατζή</span></span></h2>
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<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white;">Η κυρία Κοτταρίδη δεν λησμόνησε να «περιποιηθεί» και τον αρχιτέκτονα, <span style="box-sizing: border-box; font-weight: 700;">Μιχάλη Λεμφατζή, στενό συνεργάτη της Κατερίνας Περιστέρη</span>: «Ο αρχιτέκτονας που δούλεψε στην ανασκαφή έκανε μια υπόθεση – μια ενδιαφέρουσα υπόθεση - ότι υπήρχε εκεί πάνω το λιοντάρι της Αμφίπολης. Αυτό είναι υπόθεση δεν είναι δεδομένο. ‘Όταν αρχίζεις να μετράς μεγέθη με το Λιοντάρι, τότε έχεις πρόβλημα. Δεν το έχεις αποδείξει, Το έχεις απλώς υποθέσει…»</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white;">Κι αν κάτι έχω πει είναι ότι εκεί … δεν είναι ο Μέγας Αλέξανδρος. Εγώ δεν θέλω να βρω νεκρό τον Αλέξανδρο, δεν με νοιάζει να βρω κόκαλα διασκορπισμένα </span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000;"><span style="color: white;">Ποιο, κατά την κυρία Κοτταρίδη είναι το θετικό στοιχείο της πολυσυζητημένης ανασκαφής; «Το ενδιαφέρον με την Αμφίπολη που νομίζω ότι πρέπει να κρατήσουμε ως θετικό όλοι οι αρχαιολόγοι είναι ότι ο κόσμος ενδιαφέρεται πάρα πολύ γι’ αυτά τα πράγματα. Κι αν κάτι έχω πει είναι ότι εκεί …<span style="box-sizing: border-box; font-weight: 700;"> δεν είναι ο Μέγας Αλέξανδρος</span>. Εγώ δεν θέλω να βρω νεκρό τον Αλέξανδρο, δεν με νοιάζει να βρω κόκαλα διασκορπισμένα.<span style="box-sizing: border-box; font-weight: 700;"> Ξέρουμε τι συνέβη με τον τάφο του Αλέξανδρου. </span>Ο όχλος της Αλεξάνδρειας ρήμαξε το Σαραπείο, τη Βιβλιοθήκη και προφανώς και τον τάφο του Αλέξανδρου γιατί κάπου εκεί στο τέλος του 4ου αιώνα χάνεται (από τις πηγές). Προτιμώ να αναζητώ τη ζωντανή του μνήμη…</span></span></div>
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M. Η. Μ.http://www.blogger.com/profile/14367284148351582033noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-7420399030365885847.post-51199079478586022492015-01-13T07:50:00.000-08:002015-01-13T15:48:18.954-08:00A Greek euro exit would hurt Europe – but not as much as it would hurt Greece<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
<span style="background-color: #660000; color: white;"><a href="http://www.theguardian.com/profile/katinka-barysch">Katinka Barysch</a> </span><br />
<i><span style="color: white;"><span style="background-color: #660000;">"Greek voters face the unenviable choice between re-electing the mainstream politicians who landed Greece in its current mess in the first place, or voting for Tsipras or other populists who make unrealistic promises of higher wages and more security. The trouble is not that Tsipras is radical; it is that he is not radical enough. By promising state handouts to voters and protection for vested interests, he is perpetuating the dysfunctional system that plunged </span><a href="http://www.theguardian.com/world/greece">Greece</a><span style="background-color: #660000;"> into crisis."</span></span></i><br />
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<span style="background-color: #660000; color: white; font-size: large;"><img src="http://i.guim.co.uk/static/w-620/h--/q-95/sys-images/Guardian/Pix/pictures/2015/1/9/1420808412342/Greeces-main-opposition-S-009.jpg" /></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000; color: white; font-size: x-small;">Alexis Tsipras, head of the hard-left Syriza, could force through another cut in Greece’s international debt. Photograph: Petros Giannakouris/AP</span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000; color: white; font-size: large;"><br />Friday 9 January 2015 08.42 EST<br /><br />When the people of Greece go to the polls on 25 January, they will face some fairly fundamental choices. Contrary to what many politicians and commentators would have you believe, this election is not about whether Greeks want to stay in the euro – <a href="http://ec.europa.eu/public_opinion/topics/euro_en.htm">a majority clearly wants to</a>. The real question is whether this latest turn in the drama will finally force Greek politicians to act in their country’s long-term interest.<br /><br />Opinion polls suggest that Greek voters oscillate between anger and fear: anger about the enormous costs they have had to bear in the course of the adjustment programme; and fear of what would happen if Alexis Tsipras, head of the hard-left Syriza movement that still leads in the polls, tries to force through another cut in Greece’s international debt.<br /><br />In the last debt restructuring in 2012, the creditors already promised to help Greece reduce its debt to more sustainable levels by 2020 – provided Athens continues to improve its budget. The Greeks have a democratic right to elect a leader who wants to tear up this agreement; just as Germans, Dutch, Finns and others have a right to elect governments that <a href="http://en.europeonline-magazine.eu/refilepoll-germans-want-greece-out-of-euro-if-it-reneges-on-bailout-deal_370926.html">insist on such deals being adhered to</a>. Although Tsipras says he does not want to leave the euro, the resulting showdown could force Greece out of the single currency.<br /><br />Today, the spectre of “Grexit” is <a href="http://blogs.piie.com/realtime/?p=4689">more threatening to the Greeks than to the rest of Europe</a>. Reforms in Spain, Portugal and Ireland have made these countries more resilient. International rescue funds and the European Central Bank stand ready to help in case panic should nevertheless spread. Five out of Germany’s eight leading economic research institutes think the eurozone could now cope with a Greek exit.<br /><br />This does not mean, however, that Germany or the other eurozone countries <a href="http://www.reuters.com/article/2015/01/07/us-eurozone-greece-germany-idUSKBN0KG12520150107">want Greece to leave</a>. Even if contagion was limited, another worsening of the eurozone crisis would undermine confidence, stunt the region’s fragile recovery and make Europe’s leaders – many of whom have declared the crisis over – look inept. The political and economic consequences for other European countries would be severe.<br /><br />Therefore, even if the rest of <a href="http://www.theguardian.com/world/europe-news">Europe</a> does not want to be blackmailed, it will likely be ready to talk. The new Greek government, whether it is led by the incumbent premier Antonis Samaras, Tsipras, or a new coalition, could reasonably demand a new grand bargain under which the ECB-IMF-EC troika of lenders agrees to revisit the debt issue while the Greek government promises to make the economy fit for the future.<br /><br />Economic reform, however, is hardly what Greek politicians are talking about in this election campaign. Greek voters face the unenviable choice between re-electing the mainstream politicians who landed Greece in its current mess in the first place, or voting for Tsipras or other populists who make unrealistic promises of higher wages and more security. The trouble is not that Tsipras is radical; it is that he is not radical enough. By promising state handouts to voters and protection for vested interests, he is perpetuating the dysfunctional system that plunged <a href="http://www.theguardian.com/world/greece">Greece</a> into crisis.<br /><br />Over the past few years, the ruling coalition between the two established parties has tried a tricky balancing act of preserving the system of bureaucratic cronyism that since the 1970s they have helped to build, and modernising Greece’s state and economy, as promised to international lenders. The result was an often agonisingly slow process of to and fro, with <a href="http://greece.greekreporter.com/?s=Troika">troika officials regularly departing in frustration about Greek foot-dragging</a>.<br /><br />It is not only the troika’s emphasis on austerity that has caused the Greek people so much pain. As important was that huge adjustments were foisted upon an extraordinarily rigid economy. Despite much effort to open up mollycoddled sectors since 2010, <a href="http://stats.oecd.org/Index.aspx?DataSetCode=PMR">Greece is still one of Europe’s most overregulated economies</a>. Sluggish bureaucracies and exaggerated form-filling are the main reason <a href="http://www.google.co.uk/url?sa=t&rct=j&q=&esrc=s&frm=1&source=web&cd=1&cad=rja&uact=8&ved=0CCEQFjAA&url=http%3A%2F%2Fec.europa.eu%2Feconomy_finance%2Fpublications%2Feconomic_paper%2F2014%2Fpdf%2Fecp518_en.pdf&ei=AZ6vVL-cFJbzavO3gcgB&usg=AFQjCNH8RQcf1vpTgYaG8MNOI1GlLQ93HQ">Greece’s exports have not rebounded</a> like those of Spain, Portugal and Ireland. The<a href="http://www.nytimes.com/2013/05/27/world/europe/greeces-tangled-land-ownership-is-a-hurdle-in-recovery.html?pagewanted=all&_r=1&">absence of a reliable land registry</a> is holding back investment. An unreformed<a href="http://www.oecd.org/greece/OECD-SocietyAtaGlance2014-Highlights-Greece.pdf">social security system still benefits better-off households</a> more than the destitute. While the tax burden on ordinary people has risen, wealthy individuals and companies can still often evade their dues. And wages in the public sector have fallen – but <a href="http://blogs.lse.ac.uk/greeceatlse/2014/04/29/two-tales-of-wage-adjustment/">nowhere near as fast as those in the private sector</a>, despite starting from a much higher level.<br /><br />Greek politicians must get serious about <a href="http://www.cer.org.uk/insights/greek-programme-greece">removing the shackles from the economy</a>.<br /><br />Economists think the benefits of structural reforms could materialise quickly in Greece’s inefficient economy, and would be substantial. The Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development estimates that Greek businesses could save hundreds of millions of euros a year if the government scrapped burdensome regulations. The Greek thinktank IOBE calculates that improvements to the business and investment environment <a href="http://www.google.co.uk/url?sa=t&rct=j&q=&esrc=s&frm=1&source=web&cd=4&cad=rja&uact=8&ved=0CDMQFjAD&url=http%3A%2F%2Fdigilib.lib.unipi.gr%2Fket%2Fbitstream%2Funipi%2F1691%2F1%2Fmacro_narrative_report_en.pdf&ei=taSvVLGMN4ixabD4geAI&usg=AFQjCNFieJE7h-DW2TuHdM-QS6exlX1kmg">could lift GDP by more than 2%</a> in just two years, while steps to increase competition in industries and services would have an even bigger impact.<br />Greece has started building a sounder economy on the wreckage of a <a href="http://www.cer.org.uk/insights/greeces-real-challenge">public sector bubble</a> and a strangulated private sector. The costs have been exorbitant. It would be a real Greek tragedy if the country’s next government squandered the potential gains and reversed the process.</span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #660000; color: white; font-size: x-small;">http://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2015/jan/09/greece-suffer-euro-exit-single-currency-resilient</span></div>
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M. Η. Μ.http://www.blogger.com/profile/14367284148351582033noreply@blogger.com0